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  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    DOCA ; 2021
    In:  DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis ( 2021-03-26)
    In: DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis, DOCA, ( 2021-03-26)
    Abstract: The term personalization refers to a news factor and to a tendency of media coverage. Personalization as a news factor means that topics and events, where individuals act respectively are affected by actions or events are more likely to become news than topics and events that cannot be portrayed as actions of individuals. A personalized reporting style puts destinies of individuals (and celebrities) in the foreground and/or connects topics and events on personal stories of individuals. As a tendency of media coverage, personalization means an increasing orientation towards (prominent) people (e.g., Blöbaum, 2013; Galtung & Ruge, 1965; Handstein, 2016). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Personalization is widely analyzed in communication science. Probably most often personalization (as a news factor) is analyzed in news value studies respectively studies that analyze journalistic news selection criteria. Furthermore, personalization as a concept is a considerable issue in political communication research. Here, personalization means that, on the one hand, individual politicians (for example election campaign candidates) are becoming increasingly important in the context of political communication (e.g., Rahat & Sheafer, 2007; Van Aelst et al., 2012), whereas less emphasis is being placed on parties, political institutions and/or political issues and content. This form of personalization is also referred to as ‘individualization’. On the other hand, personalization also means that, in order to describe and evaluate individual politicians, apolitical characteristics, i.e., their personal characteristics and their personal life, are becoming increasingly relevant in political communication and election coverage. This aspect is also known as ‘privatization’ (e.g., Adam & Maier, 2010; Kriesi, 2012; Van Aelst et al., 2012). In principle, personalization can be analyzed in almost all subject areas, for example also in science communication, sports coverage and many more. References/combination with other methods of data collection: The analysis of personalization in media coverage may be combined or compared with (quantitative and/or qualitative) journalist surveys on news selection and processing. Furthermore, input-output-analyses (for example by comparing press releases and media coverage) are possible as well as experimental studies that analyze the potential effects of a personalized style of news coverage on recipients. Example: The concept of personalization lacks an agreed-upon operationalization. Van Aelst et al. (2012) review relevant studies in the field of political communication research and make some recommendations for how the concept might be operationalized for content analyses of, for example, election (campaign) coverage. These recommendations are cited below.   Coding instructions (direct quotation) by Van Aelst et al. (2012, pp. 219-220): Individualization General visibility (shift from parties to individual politicians) The relative attention for politicians compared to the total amount of attention for political actors (politicians vs parties; government ministers vs the government). Attention scores: count the total number of references to individual politicians (or candidates, ministers) and parties (government) within the unit of analysis (e.g. article, paragraph, and sentence): 1 How many times is a political party (or government, institution) mentioned within the unit of analysis? 2 How many times is a politician mentioned within the unit of analysis? Additional similar categories can be inserted if the researcher is interested in several specific politicians, parties, institutions or types of politicians, parties or institutions. Note that the total number of references to a certain actor can easily be reduced to binary codes (presence or absence). Concentrated visibility (shift from parties to leaders) The relative attention on leaders compared to the total amount of attention on political actors (leaders vs parties; PM/President vs government). Attention scores: count the total number of references to party leaders (or candidates for highest position, PM/President) and parties (government) within the unit of analysis. The coding category of leaders is similar to that of other politicians, but it refers to leaders. Privatization The characteristics of politicians We have argued for the inclusion of the following set of characteristics in personalization studies: competence, leadership, credibility, morality, rhetorical skills, and candidates’ appearance. Each characteristic has two coding categories: one allows coding the unit of analysis as presenting the characteristic as political (the characteristic is presented in a political context or not); and a second category allows coding it as presenting the characteristic as personal (the characteristic is presented in a personal context or not). The political context refers to all statements and actions made in the political arena (e.g. in parliament, on campaign, during EU-summit) or explicitly related to the public role of the politician. The personal context refers to all statements and actions made outside the political arena (e.g. on vacation, at a family gathering) or experiences before going into politics. 1     Is the characteristic of ‘competence’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: the leader does not understand the office he or she is responsible for. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 2     Is the characteristic of ‘competence’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: the leader is a poor mother or father. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 3     Is the characteristic of ‘leadership’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: the leader failed to rally his or her party behind him or her. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 4     Is the characteristic of ‘leadership’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: was the leader seen as a natural person in command in his/her youth by classmates. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 5     Is the characteristic of ‘credibility’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: a broken promise by the candidate in the previous elections, say on lower taxes. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 6     Is the characteristic of ‘credibility’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: the leader is criticized by a family member for not keeping his or her promises to spend more time with his/her family. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 7     Is the characteristic of ‘morality’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: an investigation against the leader for accepting bribes or undermining the career of a rival. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 8     Is the characteristic of ‘morality’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: the leader was caught cheating on his or her spouse. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 9     Is the characteristic of ‘rhetorical skills’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: a reference to a great speech by the leader in parliament. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 10   Is the characteristic of ‘rhetorical skills’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: a reference to a great speech by the leader in a private ceremony or to one made before he or she entered politics. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 11   Is the characteristic of ‘appearance’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a political context? For example: a reference to the ‘presidential appearance’ of the candidate. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 12   Is the characteristic of ‘appearance’ mentioned within the unit of analysis in a personal context? For example: a reference to the past of the leader as a winner of a beauty pageant. (1 = no; 2 = yes) Categories can be repeated for specific parties, institutions and politicians. Personal life of politicians Does the unit of analysis contain references to one of these indicators: Family life. This includes family relationships and all aspects of domestic life. (1 = no; 2 = yes) Past life or upbringing. This includes all biographical information. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 3     Leisure time. This includes all information on hobbies, vacations, and recreational activities. (1 = no; 2 = yes) 4     Love life. This includes all information on sexual relationships, marriage and divorce. (1 = no; 2 = yes) This list can of course vary according to indicators selected. It is possible to code these Indicators at the level of a specific politician (e.g. for the two main candidates).   References Adam, S. & Maier, M. (2010). Personalization of politics: A critical review and agenda for research. Communication Yearbook, 34(1), 213-257. DOI: 10.1080/23808985.2010.11679101 Blöbaum, B. (2013). Personalisierung. In G. Bentele, H.-B. Brosius, & O. Jarren (Eds.), Lexikon Kommunikations- und Medienwissenschaft (2., überarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage) (p. 367). Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Galtung, J., & Ruge, M.H. (1965). The structure of foreign news. The presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus crises in four Norwegian newspapers. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1), 64-91. Handstein, H. (2016). Personalisierung. Journalistikon. Das Wörterbuch der Journalistik. Retrieved March 27, 2020, from http://journalistikon.de/personalisierung/ Kriesi, H. (2012). Personalization of national election campaigns. Party Politics, 18(6), 825-844. Rahat, G., & Sheafer, T. (2007). The personalization(s) of politics: Israel, 1949-2003. Political Communication, 24, 65-80. Van Aelst, P., Sheafer, T., & Stanyer, J. (2012). The personalization of mediated political communication: A review of concepts, operationalizations and key findings. Journalism, 13(2), 203-220.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2673-8597
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: DOCA
    Publication Date: 2021
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  • 2
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Nomos Verlag ; 2020
    In:  Studies in Communication and Media Vol. 9, No. 2 ( 2020), p. 264-307
    In: Studies in Communication and Media, Nomos Verlag, Vol. 9, No. 2 ( 2020), p. 264-307
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2192-4007
    URL: Issue
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Nomos Verlag
    Publication Date: 2020
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2622820-8
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  • 3
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Nomos Verlag ; 2018
    In:  Studies in Communication | Media Vol. 7, No. 1 ( 2018), p. 89-128
    In: Studies in Communication | Media, Nomos Verlag, Vol. 7, No. 1 ( 2018), p. 89-128
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2192-4007
    URL: Issue
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Nomos Verlag
    Publication Date: 2018
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2622820-8
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  • 4
    In: Studies in Communication and Media, Nomos Verlag, Vol. 11, No. 3 ( 2022), p. 337-393
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2192-4007
    URL: Issue
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Nomos Verlag
    Publication Date: 2022
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2622820-8
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  • 5
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Polish Communication Association ; 2019
    In:  Central European Journal of Communication Vol. 12, No. 1 ( 2019-05-13), p. 2-24
    In: Central European Journal of Communication, Polish Communication Association, Vol. 12, No. 1 ( 2019-05-13), p. 2-24
    Abstract: This paper analyses the long-term coverage 1990–2014 of German reunification by six German newspapers. Our quantitative content analysis shows how often the press covers the event, what the content of the coverage is, and how journalists evaluate the reunification process. As we have analysed newspapers of different locations, ranges, types, and editorial lines, we can see whether newspapers cover German reunification differently. Our analysis shows that the amount of coverage of reunification quickly decreases, and only a few articles are published prominently. The press reports on more differences between East and West Germany than similarities; about one third of the articles mentions problems and conflicts, although they become less important over time. All in all, positive evaluations of German reunification outweigh negative judgments and increase over time. We see evidence that the placement, content, and tone of coverage highly depends on the type, editorial line, range, and location of the newspapers.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1899-5101
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Polish Communication Association
    Publication Date: 2019
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2735435-0
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  • 6
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    DOCA ; 2021
    In:  DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis ( 2021-03-26)
    In: DOCA - Database of Variables for Content Analysis, DOCA, ( 2021-03-26)
    Abstract: The term negativity in communication science refers to a news factor and to a tendency of media coverage. To put it simply, negativity as a news factor means that negative events (like controversies, conflicts, aggression, damage and so on) or so-called ‘bad news’ is more newsworthy than good ones (e.g., Galtung & Ruge, 1965). However, negativity is quite a complex concept and it is defined differently in research depending on the focus of the study. Lengauer et al. (2011) differentiate between actor-related and frame-related dimensions of negativity. At the ‘actor level’, negativity describes the tonality directed towards individual actors (for example political representatives or their organizations) in media coverage. At the ‘frame-related level’, negativity describes, for example, the overall tonality of the news story (predominantly negative), a pessimistic outlook in the story and/or a story focus on conflict or incapability and misconduct (Lengauer et al., 2011, pp. 183-185). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Negativity is widely analyzed in communication studies. The focus of this article lies on negativity in election (campaign) coverage. Furthermore, negativity (as a news factor) is often analyzed in news value studies respectively studies that analyze journalistic news selection criteria, in news bias studies as well as in video/media malaise or framing research (and others). References/combination with other methods of data collection: The analysis of negativity in media coverage may be combined or compared with journalist and population surveys (for example in news value studies or in framing research) as well as with so called “extra media data” (Rosengren, 1970, p. 96) (for example in news bias research). Furthermore, experimental studies that analyze the potential effects of a negative tonality of news coverage on recipients are possible. Example: The concept of negativity lacks an agreed-upon operationalization. Lengauer et al. (2011) review and systematize existing concepts and provide a set of coding instructions, which are cited below. Regarding the coding unit, Lengauer et al. (2011) suggest that coding should focus on the story level (instead of statement or paragraph level).   Coding instructions (direct quotation) by Lengauer et al. (2011, pp. 195-197): Level of negative tone towards political actors (persons or institutions) Does the report convey primarily a positive/affirmative, negative/critical or balanced/neutral impression of a specific political actor or are no clear indications referring to the positive or negative tone towards political actors identifiable? Indications of a prevalent negative tone toward a specific political actor are depictions of individual failure, fiasco, disaster, crisis, frustration, miscarriage, collapse, flop, rejection, neglect, default, defeat, deterioration, resignation, disdain, received critique, criticism, attacks, scandal, moralizing accusation, allegations of misconduct, charge of wrongdoing, mistrust, accusation of incompetence or negative traits. Indications of a prevalent positive tone toward a political actor are depictions of individual victory, win, triumph, success, achievement, accomplishment, problem solutions, improvement, advance, prosperity, laudation, asset, sustainability, commendation, accordance of competence, compliment, portrayals of merit, esteem, trust or positive traits. If a report does not reflect indications of negative tonality or of positive tonality towards the specific actor, then it has to be coded as ‘neutral’. The variable has three codes: -1 = predominantly negative tone towards the actor 0 = balanced/ambivalent/neutral tone towards the actor +1 = predominantly positive tone towards the actor Level of negative tonality What is the overall tone of the story? Does the report convey primarily a positive, negative, balanced or neutral impression of politics, political records, conditions or views? Indications of negative tonality are the framing of the story as political failure, fiasco, disaster, crisis, frustration, collapse, flop, denial, rejection, neglect, default, deterioration, resignation, skepticism, threats, cynicism, defeatism or disappointment. Indications of positive tonality are depictions of political success, problem solutions, achievement, improvement, advance, prosperity, accomplishment, enthusiasm, hope, benefit, gain, sustainability, gratification or accomplishment. If a report does not reflect indications of negative tonality or of positive tonality, then it has to be coded as ‘neutral’. The variable has three codes: -1 = predominantly negative tonality 0 = balanced/ambivalent/neutral +1 = predominantly positive tonality Level of pessimistic outlook Does the story convey primarily optimistic, pessimistic or balanced outlooks on politics or are no indications referring to political outlooks identifiable? An optimistic depiction is given when the framing of the report generates the intersubjective impression that positive developments in politics are realistic, possible, or at hand (depictions of optimism, positive outlooks and scenarios, hopeful views, prosperous developments, potential gains, potential solutions or promising expectations). In contrast, pessimistic depictions are given when the framing of the report generates the impression that negative developments in politics are realistic, possible, likely or at hand (depictions of pessimism, negative outlooks and scenarios, hopeless views, critical developments, negative expectations or potential threats). If a report does not reflect indications of pessimistic or of optimistic outlooks, then it has to be coded as ‘not applicable’. The variable has three codes: -1 = predominantly pessimistic outlook 0 = balanced/ambivalent/not applicable +1 = predominantly optimistic outlook Level of conflict-centeredness Does the report convey primarily conflictual, consensus-centered or balanced impressions of politics, political records, conditions and views or are no indications referring to political conflict and consensus identifiable? The conflict dimension refers to at least two-sided depictions of (attempts, initiation, completion of) dispute, disagreement, discordance, confrontation, clashing positions and views or controversy. The consensus dimension refers to at least two-sided depictions of (attempts, initiation, completion of) consensus, accordance, consonance, conformities, dispute settlements, agreement, willingness of cooperation, willingness to compromise, approval or reconciliation. If a report does not reflect indications of conflict-centered or of consensus-centered depictions, then it has to be coded as ‘not applicable’. The variable has three codes: -1 = predominantly conflict centered 0 = balanced/ambivalent/not applicable +1 = predominantly consensus centered Level of incapability and misconduct Does the report convey primarily indications of incapability, capability or balanced impressions of politics or are no elements referring to political incapability and capability identifiable? The misconduct dimension refers to unidirectional and unilateral depictions of critique, criticism, attacks, allegations of misconduct, moralizing accusations, charge of wrongdoing, accusation of incapability or incompetence, affronts and insults. The competence dimension comprises unilateral depictions of commendation, accordance of capability or competence, compliment, acclaim, portrayals of merit or effectiveness. If a report does not reflect indications of incapability or of capability, then it has to be coded as ‘not applicable’. The variable has three codes: -1 = predominantly incapability centered 0 = balanced/ambivalent/not applicable +1 = predominantly capability centered   References Galtung, J., & Ruge, M.H. (1965). The structure of foreign news. The presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus crises in four Norwegian newspapers. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1), 64-91. Lengauer, G., Esser, F., & Berganza, R. (2011). Negativity in political news: A review of concepts, operationalizations and key findings. Journalism, 13(2), 179-202. Rosengren, K. E. (1970). International News: Intra and Extra Media Data. Acta Sociologica, 13(2), 96-109.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2673-8597
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: DOCA
    Publication Date: 2021
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  • 7
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Nomos Verlag ; 2018
    In:  Studies in Communication | Media Vol. 7, No. 1 ( 2018), p. 89-128
    In: Studies in Communication | Media, Nomos Verlag, Vol. 7, No. 1 ( 2018), p. 89-128
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2192-4007
    URL: Issue
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Nomos Verlag
    Publication Date: 2018
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2622820-8
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  • 8
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2022
    In:  Public Understanding of Science Vol. 31, No. 7 ( 2022-10), p. 847-866
    In: Public Understanding of Science, SAGE Publications, Vol. 31, No. 7 ( 2022-10), p. 847-866
    Abstract: At the time of the COVID-19 pandemic, scientific expertise was and is more in demand than perhaps ever before. Scientific “experts” serve as an important source of information for journalists and for society. Our study analyzes, which experts get a chance to speak in German news coverage of COVID-19 compared to other pandemics, how diverse the spectrum of selected experts is and how their scientific expertise is to be assessed. Our findings show that the COVID-19 coverage is dominated by actors from the political executive and less than in previous pandemics by scientific experts. In addition, the coronavirus debate is characterized by a greater diversity of expert voices and the journalistic selection of scientific experts is biased in favor of those who have a high scientific expertise. On average, COVID-19 coverage seems to be biased more pronouncedly in favor of reputable scientific experts compared to previous debates on pandemics.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0963-6625 , 1361-6609
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2022
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 33479-0
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1421272-9
    SSG: 11
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  • 9
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Informa UK Limited ; 2021
    In:  West European Politics Vol. 44, No. 7 ( 2021-11-10), p. 1425-1454
    In: West European Politics, Informa UK Limited, Vol. 44, No. 7 ( 2021-11-10), p. 1425-1454
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0140-2382 , 1743-9655
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Informa UK Limited
    Publication Date: 2021
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 716441-5
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2061982-0
    SSG: 8
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 10
    In: Party Politics, SAGE Publications, Vol. 25, No. 2 ( 2019-03), p. 167-178
    Abstract: We investigate the interplay between party communication and media coverage in putting EU issues on the agenda during the 2014 European Parliamentary election campaigns in Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom. A temporal pattern analysis focuses on the dynamic perspective of media–parties’ interactions based on a quantitative content analysis of (a) the press releases published by parties and (b) the coverage of two leading newspapers per country 12 weeks prior to the elections. We find that most public discourses are started by the media; however, political parties especially in Austria are also quite successful in initiating discussions about EU issues. Interestingly, once an issue has been placed on the agenda, only a few parties take the opportunity of exploiting their issue-ownership in response to the media agenda. On the other side, media react to publications of all party types, even radical parties.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1354-0688 , 1460-3683
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2019
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1492251-4
    SSG: 3,6
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