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  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [S.l.] : SSRN
    UID:
    (DE-627)1790391806
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource
    Content: Can biased media in authoritarian systems effectively reshape citizens' beliefs if they have an option of not paying attention to it? We address this question by developing a formal model where citizens can choose whether to consume media while perceiving the existence of information manipulation. We apply this model to understand how media consumption shapes citizens' perceived income inequality. In equilibrium, media exposure is negatively correlated with perceived inequality only when media bias is moderate. This negative correlation can be decomposed into the manipulation effect and the self-selection effect. The manipulation effect captures the change of perception due to random media exposure, and the self-selection effect captures the fact that individuals with lower perceived inequality are more likely to consume media. Furthermore, the impact of media exposure is weaker among more informed individuals. Using a nationwide survey from China, we find empirical evidence consistent with the theoretical predictions
    Note: Nach Informationen von SSRN wurde die ursprüngliche Fassung des Dokuments January 1, 2020 erstellt , Volltext nicht verfügbar
    Language: English
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  • 2
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [S.l.] : SSRN
    UID:
    (DE-627)179041461X
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource
    Content: Policies tend to alternate between policy makers and their successors. We argue that differences in policy makers' ideology are not necessary factors in explaining this phenomenon of "policy see-sawing." Instead, we propose a novel mechanism by developing a dynamic model, where policy makers prefer making policy choices to be recognized as their political legacy. In each period, a policy maker has an incentive to pander and deviate from the ideal policy, as this provides him with less recognition than implementing more distinct policies from the status quo. The model generates two types of stylized facts: a situation where the ideal gets implemented consistently, and another situation where two (instead of many) distinct policies alternate along consecutive periods. This provides a foundation to justify why many formal analyses of multidimensional politics can be reduced to one dimension. The model generates broad implications when applied to substantive problems such as policy polarization and political agency
    Note: Nach Informationen von SSRN wurde die ursprüngliche Fassung des Dokuments November 9, 2019 erstellt , Volltext nicht verfügbar
    Language: English
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  • 3
    UID:
    (DE-627)1881191966
    ISSN: 2077-1444
    Content: This paper explores the origin and role of the Buddhist taxonomic category “zong 宗” (“sect” or “school”) in the formation of modern Buddhism in China. It does so by examining a highly significant late-Qing Buddhist text titled Ba-zong-er-xing 八宗二行 (Eight Schools and Two Practices), which the author discovered recently in Japan. Authored by the 19th-century Manchu bannerman official Hešeri Rushan 赫舍裏如山, Eight Schools and Two Practices had a direct influence on the prominent Chinese lay Buddhist Yang Wenhui (1837–1911)’s Shi-zong-lue-shuo 十宗略说 (Brief Outline of the Ten Schools) (1913), which subsequently became the most important narrative model, known as the ten-school model, for describing Chinese Buddhist history in modern times. Historians have long recognized that Yang Wenhui’s Brief Outline of the Ten Schools (1913) was influenced by the medieval Japanese text hasshū kōyō 八宗綱要 (Essentials of the Eight Schools) composed by the 13th-century Japanese monk Gyōnen. Identifying, in detail, Hešeri Rushan’s influence on Yang Wenhui sheds light on how a narrative model for Buddhism in its national form grew out of trans-national intellectual sharing and interactions, and how Chinese Buddhism emerged from the interactive and mutually enabling Sino-Japanese discursive field of the 19th century. Gyōnen, Rushan, and Yang Wenhui all used the category zong, referring to both doctrine and school/sect, to organize narratives of Buddhist history. Their uses were, however, different. Gyōnen’s conception of zong (shū in Japanese) was fixed and exclusive, whereas zong for Rushan and Yang meant more of a mobile, nonexclusive identity. Without knowledge of Japanese Buddhism, Rushan made creative use of zong for describing the history and current condition of Chinese Buddhism, thereby superseding the traditional framework of lineage, doctrine, and precept, or zong 宗, jiao 教, lu 律. Rushan’s zong provided the necessary prerequisite knowledge for Yang Wenhui to understand Gyōnen’s theories, which he studied for constructing his own historical narrative and vision for modern Buddhism.
    In: Religions, Basel : MDPI, 2010, 15(2024), 2, Artikel-ID 249, 2077-1444
    In: volume:15
    In: year:2024
    In: number:2
    In: elocationid:249
    Language: English
    URL: Volltext  (kostenfrei)
    URL: Volltext  (kostenfrei)
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  • 4
    UID:
    (DE-627)1879964961
    ISSN: 0047-2727
    In: Journal of public economics, Amsterdam [u.a.] : Elsevier, 1972, 226(2023) vom: Okt., Seite 1-23, 0047-2727
    In: volume:226
    In: year:2023
    In: month:10
    In: pages:1-23
    Language: English
    Keywords: Aufsatz in Zeitschrift
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  • 5
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [S.l.] : SSRN
    UID:
    (DE-627)1805663690
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (68 p)
    Content: We analyze how institutions shape communication incentives in a Romer-Rosenthal agenda-setting model with private information and private values. An agenda setter faces multiple voters who are privately informed about their ideal points in a one-dimensional policy space. We consider two institutions. In one setting, cheap-talk communication precedes a take-it-or-leave-it agenda-setting game. The second involves sequential agenda setting where the setter can revise the proposal only when the first one fails to gain enough support. The latter institution requires the setter to commit to a policy as a screening technology. The commitment fosters information disclosure from strategic voters and thus results in efficiency gains over straw polls, where the setter is not constrained in how she reacts to revealed information. In addition, we also find voters' sabotage incentive that may discount the informativeness of political communication. Specifically, when a voter preferring the status quo cannot directly block less preferred policies, he could have an incentive to induce an extreme reform proposal and expect it to fail. With numerical examples, we identify the sabotage phenomenon in non-monotonic equilibrium, where the types of voters that sufficiently prefer and dislike the status quo send one signal, and the intermediate types send another one
    Note: In: conditionally accepted by Quarterly Journal of Political Science , Nach Informationen von SSRN wurde die ursprüngliche Fassung des Dokuments October 6, 2021 erstellt
    Language: English
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  • 6
    UID:
    (DE-605)HT020243173
    Format: 217 Seiten , Diagramme
    Series Statement: MPI series in psycholinguistics 48
    Note: Dissertation Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen 2008
    Language: English
    Keywords: Hochschulschrift
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  • 7
    UID:
    (DE-627)1810427355
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (54 p)
    Content: We present a two-period collective bargaining model with asymmetric information and a persistent agenda setter. Voters have private information about their policy preferences. Only upon the failure of the initial proposal does the setter have a chance to revise it and call for a re-vote. The status quo gets implemented if the revised proposal fails. Although the single-crossing condition does not necessarily apply, we establish the existence of an informative equilibrium for any number of voters and any q -rule, where the first-period voting serves as deliberation that enables the voters to signal their policy preferences. We apply the model to identify important sources that improve the political outcomes regarding individuals' welfare and policy progress. Specifically, we show that adding the first-period deliberation to the one-period model improves the setter's welfare and alleviates policy gridlock. Meanwhile, the revealed information through deliberation can also benefit the voters, provided that the setter is sufficiently constrained by the voting rule. In addition, voters' less sophistication can not only make a further Pareto improvement for themselves and the setter but can also avoid policy gridlock to a larger extent
    Language: English
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  • 8
    UID:
    (DE-627)1810440297
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (54 p)
    Content: We present a two-period collective bargaining model with asymmetric information and a persistent agenda setter. Voters have private information about their policy preferences. Only upon the failure of the initial proposal does the setter have a chance to revise it and call for a re-vote. The status quo gets implemented if the revised proposal fails. Although the single-crossing condition does not necessarily apply, we establish the existence of an informative equilibrium for any number of voters and any q-rule, where the first-period voting serves as deliberation that enables the voters to signal their policy preferences. We apply the model to identify important sources that improve the political outcomes regarding individuals' welfare and policy progress. Specifically, we show that adding the first-period deliberation to the one-period model improves the setter's welfare and alleviates policy gridlock. Meanwhile, the revealed information through deliberation can also benefit the voters, provided that the setter is sufficiently constrained by the voting rule. In addition, voters' less sophistication can not only make a further Pareto improvement for themselves and the setter but can also avoid policy gridlock to a larger extent
    Note: Nach Informationen von SSRN wurde die ursprüngliche Fassung des Dokuments April 12, 2020 erstellt
    Language: English
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  • 9
    UID:
    (DE-627)1839038047
    ISSN: 2372-9996
    Content: This article examines contacts between four Japanese and Chinese Buddhists at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries and provides an overview of the nature of Sino-Japanese Buddhist exchange in the modern period. Modern contacts between Chinese and Japanese Buddhism began when Ogurusu Kōchō traveled to Beijing in 1873. His exchange with the Chinese monk Benran exemplifies the shifting relationship between Chinese and Japanese Buddhism. Perceiving Chinese Buddhism to be in a state of decline and in need of revival, Ogurusu formulated a plan to reform Chinese Buddhism and initiated mission work. The second relationship discussed is that between the Chinese layman Yang Wenhui and the Japanese priest and scholar Nanjō Bunyū, who met in London. The transfer of knowledge about Sanskrit and modern Western academic methodology from Nanjō to Yang formed the basis of these contacts. This exchange marked the advent of modern Buddhist studies in East Asia and a shift away from an exclusive focus on the Chinese language scriptures towards Sanskrit and Pali texts. Despite these close contacts, the encounter ultimately also reminded both the Chinese and Japanese of the peculiarities and differences in their respective Buddhist traditions.
    In: Studies in Chinese Religions, London : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015, 3(2017), 1, Seite 1-25, 2372-9996
    In: volume:3
    In: year:2017
    In: number:1
    In: pages:1-25
    Language: English
    URL: Volltext  (lizenzpflichtig)
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  • 10
    Book
    Book
    Wageningen : Ponsen & Looijen
    UID:
    (DE-627)715650106
    Format: XII, 217 S. , 24 cm
    Series Statement: MPI Series in psycholinguistics 48
    Note: Auch als: MPI Series in psycholinguistics ; 48 , Zugl.: Amsterdam, Univ., Diss., 2008
    Language: English
    Keywords: Hochschulschrift
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