Abstract
This paper documents and analyzes the alternations between glides and fricatives in Atayal, an endangered Austronesian language spoken in northern Taiwan. Distributional gaps and morphophonological alternations suggest that onset glides in the Jianshi variety of Squliq Atayal do not appear before a schwa or a homorganic vowel. The paper argues that the restrictions on onset glides are motivated by the needs to achieve an optimal sonority profile within a syllable and to avoid homorganic glide-vowel sequences. In the proposed OT account, sonority dispersion and similarity avoidance are formalized as separate constraints, which is supported by the attested typology across Atayal dialects. The strengthening data justify the placement of schwa lower in the sonority hierarchy than high vowels, and the adopted conjoined constraints further suggest that sonority-based co-occurrence restrictions are not necessarily restricted to syllable margins (cf. Steriade in Language 64:118–129, 1988a). The paper also shows that (1) the behavior of j and w is asymmetrical in some dialects, with w combining more freely with the following nucleus vowel than j does; and (2) Atayal phonemic /w/ primarily alternates with velar [ɣ], which is peculiar among Formosan languages. The fact that Atayal consonantal w strengthens to velar [ɣ] instead of a labial falsifies the feature theories in which /w/ is characterized only by the [Labial] articulator (Halle et al. in Linguist Inq 31:387–444, 2000; Halle in Linguist Inq 36: 23–41, 2005; Levi in The representation of underlying glides: a cross-linguistic study, 2004; Lingua 118:1956–1978, 2008).
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Notes
The figure is based on the monthly demographic data (as of October 2019) provided by the Council of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan. Speakers who can speak the language fluently, however, are mostly above the age of 50.
The reconstructed *y presumably stands for a palatal glide. Li (1974) attempts to identify the phonetic values of the Pan phonemes *j and *v as reconstructed by Dempwolff, and *y and *w as reconstructed by Dyen; he concludes that the direction of changes is from semi-consonants to fricatives or liquids. The reconstructed symbol *y from the original sources is retained here without modification.
Although the term Mayrinax has been widely used in the literature so far, the present study adopts the endonym Matu’uwal preferred by the consultants, rather than the exonym Mayrinax.
The Sqoyaw data are from Yamada and Liao (1974) and Liao (2014); all the other data are based on the author’s fieldwork unless noted otherwise. Some of the Jianshi Squliq data are from the online dictionary (https://e-dictionary.apc.gov.tw/tay/Search.htm) maintained by the Council of Indigenous Peoples, Taiwan, R.O.C.
The six dialects are commonly referred to as Squliq (distributed in all seven counties/cities; see the map below), Matu’uwal (often by the name Mayrinax in the literature so far), Skikun (in Tatung Township of Yilan County), Plngawan (in Ren’ai Township of Nantou County), C’uli’ in Yilan (including Pyahaw), and C’uli’ (in other areas than Yilan, including Hsinchu, Miaoli, Taichung, and Nantou).
The Squliq data for the present study include the Mrqwang variety of Jianshi Squliq, the R’uyan variety of Taoshan Squliq, and Sqoyaw in Taichung. The terms Jianshi and Taoshan refer to the names of the townships (administrative divisions) where the dialects are spoken, and they are commonly used in the Atayal literature. Mrqwang, R’uyan, Sqoyaw (and Pyasan, of Fuhsing Squliq) are the traditional terms for the clans/tribes or the places.
Some postconsonantal prenuclear glides are phonemic due to an optional rule that deletes the vowel preceding the onset glide of the penultimate syllable, followed by resyllabification (Huang 2014:819). Vocalic glides do not occur syllable-initially.
The main point here is that the expected schwa becomes homorganic to the preceding sibilant. Atayal consultants indicate that the pronunciations of [sɿ] and [ʦɿ] resemble the Mandarin spoken in Taiwan (which does not have *[zɿ]), while Mandarin corresponding sounds are reported in Lee-Kim (2014), based on Beijing Mandarin, to be syllabic approximants without frication noise rather than syllabic fricatives or apical vowels. The symbol [ɿ] is used here to represent the articulation of the syllabic element, and its phonetics awaits future research.
Onset glides may be optionally strengthened to fricatives before /u a/ vowels; see more discussion in Sect. 6.
The data in this paper include the following affixes: -an, lv; -un, pv; -i, pv/lv.at;-aj, lv.proj; -anaj, cv.proj; -a, av.proj; m-/mə-/<əm>, av; p-/pə-, caus;k-/kə-, stat; <in>/<ən>, pfv. The abbreviations used are as follows: av, Agent Voice; lv, Locative Voice; pv, Patient Voice; cv, Circumstantial Voice; at, Atemporal; proj, Projective; pfv, Perfective; nom, Nominative; gen, Genitive; caus, Causative; stat, Stative; sg, Singular. Angled brackets < > indicate surface infixes and a tilde connects the reduplicant and the stem, following Leipzig Glossing Rules.
There are constraints on the combination of stems and suffixes for morphosyntactic or semantic reasons, so forms with other suffixes (i.e /-aj/ ‘lv.proj’ here) will be provided when an-suffixed forms are not available to illustrate the environment before a low vowel.
One might argue that the root contains the underlying form /ћŋaw/, which contains a consonant cluster. It is assumed here that an empty vowel slot (‘V’) is present in the penultimate position (see related discussion in Huang (2018)). These alternatives do not bear on the main points of the data here.
The historical development of the irrealis usage of un-forms in Atayal has not received a full treatment in the literature, and it remains unclear at what stage such an innovation has emerged. If the usage developed at an early stage in Atayal, it would be Taoshan Squliq that underwent further reduction. The main point of the proposed analysis remains unaffected, though: stem-final w is observed to strengthen to ɣ when it precedes the vowel u. See Yeh (2013) for more discussion on the distinctions between un- and an-forms in both Wulai Squliq and Jianshi Squliq, citing Huang (1993).
The syllable boundaries in the data are meant to indicate the presence of derived diphthongs such as ia in (5a) [zɿ.ŋian], iu in (5b) [pə.zɿ.ŋiun], and ua in (5d) [ћə.ɣə.ruan]. For the insertion of word-final glottal stops (e.g. (5a) [ju.ŋiʔ]), see Huang (2015b).
The two scales are compatible with most works on sonority hierarchy, although they are not as fine-grained as, e.g., the scales in Parker (2002). The two hierarchies given here omit the constraints against the presence of vocalic elements in onset and consonantal elements in peak position, such as *O/a and *P/t, which are of course higher ranked than any of the constraints given in the hierarchies under discussion.
Matu’uwal mə/ma- and um correspond to Squliq m-/-m- (av), respectively; pa- corresponds to p-(caus). Please refer to Note 10.
Matu’uwal is a conservative Atayal dialect and preserves the distinction between male and female forms of speech (Li 1982).
A minor pattern in the antepenultimate position is that the empty vowels harmonize to the vowels to their right; this seems to be subject to inter-speaker variation.
The underlying forms of the roots are inferred by the author rather than provided by Liao. Liao (2014) does not use the phonetic symbol [ʑ] in his dictionary. Sounds transcribed as [ʑi] in (20) are represented by zi in the dictionary and transcribed as [zi] (Liao 2014:VIII). The narrow transcriptions here are based on Yamada and Liao (1974:111), where it is remarked that the z sound is [ʑ] in IPA, occurring only before /i/.
The only exception of ji in the dictionary is the occurrence of [təwaji] (ordinarily [təwaʑ-i]) ‘cook without mixing other types of food; drink without eating’ (Liao 2014:1631). There are some variations in the dictionary, too. For example, at least 37 instances of the word ‘forget’ [jəŋijan] (/juŋi, an/) can be identified in the dictionary, with jə, but the exceptional [zəŋijan] is found only once (p. 1247).
It seems that the root /tiwaya/ can be further decomposed into separate morphemes, but its morphological composition calls for more research. Moreover, it is unclear whether the underlying form is /tiwaya/ or /ʦiwaya/ because both /t/ and /ʦ/ (as well as /s/ and z) palatalize before /i/.
The Sqoyaw form (23c) [k-i-təsaw-an] presumably involves dropping the coda n of the surface infix in (‘pfv’), a rule not found in Jianshi or Taoshan Squliq. The root-initial consonant of (23c) varies between t~ʦ.
Both (24e–f) contain the derivational prefix t- preceding the root /ʔaβaw/ ‘leaf’ in (24e) and /sasaw/ ‘shadow, shade’ in (24f). The forms [ʦəsaw-an] and [ʦəsaw-un] have variants [təsaw-an] and [təsaw-un], respectively.
Seventeen of the nineteen consultants had passed away when the dictionary was published (Liao 2014:III).
The example [pə-təqajaw-un] in (24d) contains an unreduced antepenultimate vowel [a], which appears to be a typo in the original source.
Some in-affixed forms are not affected by the prepenultimate reduction rule in both Jianshi and Taoshan Squliq.
The word illustrates the rule of /ɣ/ → [w] / ___#. See Sect. 6 for more details.
Also see Baertsch (2012) and the references cited therein for more work on a sonority distinction between front and back vowels/glides.
The orthographic symbols b, g, y, and h in Li (1980) are changed to the corresponding IPA symbols β, ɣ, j, and ħ here.
Sqoyaw [maɣ-an], [maɣ-un], [maɣ-i] involves the dropping of unstressed syllables (here, ʔi) toward the left edge, which is also a common process in Jianshi Squliq, Fuhsing Squliq, and especially in Wulai Squliq.
It is controversial whether words such as [maʑij] and [maħij] contain a word-final glide homorganic to the preceding vowel. Egerod (1980) transcribes Li’s stem-final ij as ii (and uw as uu). If stem-final ij and uw are well-formed, the proposed OCPsim constraint will need to be restricted to initial demisyllables.
IPA transcriptions are not provided for the suffixed forms with -un and -an here because it is not clear from the original descriptions as to whether the z is alveolar or alveolo-palatal. In an- and un-suffixed forms, the realization of the surface stem-final fricatives in Taoshan Squliq is always [ʑ].
The texts (approximately 1000 words) and audio files are from the website http://ilrdc.tw/grammar/index.php?l=2&p=19, which accompany the reference grammar by Huang and Hayung (2018). The corresponding glossing of the text material can be found in Appendix III of the book (in Chinese).
It happens that in the two texts there is no syllable-initial phonemic w followed by i, so it cannot be determined whether strengthening would affect wi sequences.
Another point worth mentioning in Li’s (1974) study is concerned with the conditioning environments where strengthening takes place in Tanan Rukai. Li (ibid.) gives the rules of j → ð / __+a and w → v / __ +a, showing that strengthening takes place only before low vowels across morpheme boundaries, but not before high vowels, which is contrary to the proposed phonetically based motivations of Squliq Atayal glide strengthening. More research is needed to shed light on the nature of the Rukai data.
Li (1974:171) specifies that the Atayal reflex for Pan *w is w in both non-final and final positions; the Atayal data in his study do not contain words with onset w preceding weak vowels, however.
Jacobs and van Gerwen (2006:82) state that the Spanish reflexes of Germanic [w] are labiovelar [gw] or [ɣw] besides the delabialized [g] or [ɣ], but summarizes that the reflexes are [g]/[gw]~[ɣw]/[w] in the introduction (Jacobs and van Gerwen 2006:78). The paper adopts the former statements and considers the latter ones as typing mistakes.
The pronunciation [wǝ.riuŋ] can also be found in Taoshan Squliq.
In the speech of a less conservative Taoshan Squliq speaker, the affixed forms of /wajaɣ/ ‘choose’ (see the data in (26b)) are found to contain a β variant: /wajaɣ, i/ [βǝjaɣi] and /in, wajaɣ, an/ [βin.ja.ɣan]; however, this is the only example involving synchronic w~β alternations that have been identified in my fieldwork on Taoshan Squliq.
This is also due to the fact that unstressed syllables farther away from the right edge are more likely to drop in Jianshi Squliq, so it is more difficult to find relevant data showing how pretonic wǝ alternates.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the JEAL reviewers and Editors for their insightful comments and help, which have significantly improved the quality of the work presented here. This paper has benefited from the comments and questions by the audience at the 19th Old World Conference on Phonology in Verona, Italy. I would like to thank Rachel Walker and Yifang Yang for discussing relevant issues with me. Various parts of the paper were presented at the 1st International Symposium on Frontiers of Chinese Linguistics in Hong Kong and at a phonology workshop in the Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica, on December 3, 2019. Sincere thanks go to Lian-Hee Wee, San Duanmu, Carlos Gussenhoven, Paul Jen-kuei Li, Jackson Sun, Jonathan Evans, and the audiences for their valuable comments. All remaining errors are my own. This research is supported in part by the Ministry of Science and Technology in Taiwan (MOST106-2410-H-001-039 and MOST107-2410-H-001-057-MY2).
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Huang, Hc.J. Glide strengthening in Atayal: sonority dispersion and similarity avoidance. J East Asian Linguist 29, 77–117 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-020-09204-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-020-09204-w