Kooperativer Bibliotheksverbund

UID:

Format: xvi, 272 p.

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 9780199780174 , 019978017X

Series Statement: Oxford studies in comparative syntax

Content: A collection of 11 of Richard Kayne's recent articles in theoretical syntax, with an emphasis on comparative syntax, which uses syntactic differences among languages to probe the properties of the human language faculty.

Note: Intro -- Contents -- 1. Some Preliminary Comparative Remarks on French and Italian Definite Articles -- 1.1. Interrogatives -- 1.2. Superlatives -- 1.3. Greek -- 1.4. French postnominal superlatives -- 1.5. French superlatives vs. Italian superlatives -- 1.6. French vs. Italian bare arguments -- 1.7. Back to lequel and quale -- 1.8. A digression to English possessors -- 1.9. Conclusion -- 2. Several, Few, and Many -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Few and many -- 2.3. UG and the syntax/semantics mapping -- 2.4. every and a and NUMBER -- 2.5. A small(little)/large(big) number -- 2.6. Several vs. many and few -- 2.7. Several and numerals -- 2.8. More on every -- 2.9. Several vs. numerals (and a proposal for ordinals) -- 2.10. Possible analyses of several -- 2.11. A more likely analysis for several -- 2.12. Toward spelling out the analysis -- 2.13. Conclusion -- 3. A Note on the Syntax of Numerical Bases -- 3.1. Introduction (English) -- 3.2. French -- 3.3. English and French -- 3.4. Similarities between approximatives and multiplicative numerals -- 3.5. Romanian -- 3.6. UG and numerical bases -- 3.7. Prepositions -- 3.8. More on NSFX -- 3.9. Constituent structure -- 3.10. Why is NSFX needed? -- 3.11. Conclusion -- 4. On Parameters and on Principles of Pronunciation -- 4.1. On parameters -- 4.2. Intralanguage parametric variation -- 4.3. Back to lexical vs. functional -- 4.4. More on enough -- 4.5. On principles of pronunciation -- 4.6. Further types of non-pronunciation -- 4.7. Back again to enough -- 4.8. Conclusion -- 5. A Short Note on where vs. place -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. where vs. place -- 5.3. R-pronouns and licensing -- 5.4. place vs. place -- 6. Expletives, Datives, and the Tension between Morphology and Syntax -- 6.1. Introduction -- 6.2. North Italian ghe -- 6.3. There and ghe as deictics -- 6.4. Silent DATCL. , 6.5. Expletive there and expletive ghe as deictics -- 6.6. Deictics, demonstratives, and indefinites -- 6.7. The definiteness effect -- 6.8. Agreement -- 6.9. Why is there the expletive? -- 6.10. Expletive ghe and ci in possessive sentences -- 6.11. Comparative syntax of possessives and existentials -- 6.12. Other languages and no languages -- 6.13. Existentials and causers -- 6.14. Limitations on deictic there as expletive -- 6.15. Datives -- 6.16. Conclusion -- 7. Some Silent First-Person Plurals -- 7.1. Introduction -- 7.2. Silent nous -- 7.3. NOUS/nous and agreement -- 7.4. Italian si -- 7.5. The privileged status of first-person plural -- 7.6. Reflexive si/se and first-person plural -- 7.7. The extra object clitic in reflexive sentences -- 7.8. Silent se/si -- 7.9. The role of se/si/sa -- 7.10. Third-person reflexive sentences -- 7.11. Italian ci and the question of syncretism -- 7.12. Conclusion -- 8. A Note on Auxiliary Alternations and Silent Causation -- 8.1. Introduction -- 8.2. The class of verbs in question -- 8.3. Beyond auxiliary selection -- 8.4. A proposal -- 8.5. More on past participle agreement -- 8.6. Impersonals, leading to a further revised proposal -- 8.7. The beginning of an analysis -- 8.8. An aside on past participles -- 8.9. Past participles and v. -- 8.10. Back to auxiliaries and past participle agreement -- 8.11. Other Romance languages -- 8.12. Past participle agreement in full causatives (and anticausatives) -- 8.13. Other unaccusatives -- 8.14. Conclusion -- 9. Antisymmetry and the Lexicon -- 9.1. Recursion -- 9.2. Antisymmetry -- 9.3. Antisymmetry and antioptionality -- 9.4. Antisymmetry of projection -- 9.5. The closed class vs. open class distinction -- 9.6. Nouns and verbs -- 9.7. Other categories -- 9.8. Lexical specialization -- 9.9. Nouns do not project. , 9.10. A consequence of nouns not projecting: the fact that . . . -- 9.11. Derived nominals -- 9.12. Restrictions on derived nominals -- 9.13. More on the absence of complements to nouns -- 9.14. More on possessives -- 9.15. Sentential complements -- 9.16. Conclusion -- 10. Why Isn't This a Complementizer? -- 10.1. Introduction -- 10.2. Diachrony -- 10.3. Sentential that and relative that -- 10.4. Relative that is less different from other relative pronouns that it seems: Possessors -- 10.5. The preposition restriction -- 10.6. Sensitivity of that to +/-human -- 10.7. The impossibility of agreement with English relative that -- 10.8. The impossibility of agreement with Romance relative che/que -- 10.9. More on non-agreement with that -- 10.10. Non-agreement with French demonstrative ce -- 10.11. The absence of relative this -- 10.12. The fact that/*this . . . -- 10.13. Factives -- 10.14. Non-factives -- 10.15. Relatives with resumptive pronouns -- 10.16. Which vs. that -- 10.17. Determiners that cannot serve as relative pronouns -- 10.18. Doubly-filled comps -- 10.19. Conclusion -- 11. Toward an Analysis of French Hyper-Complex Inversion (with Jean-Yves Pollock) -- 11.1. HCI -- 11.2. HCI as clitic doubling -- 11.3. Person and -l- -- 11.4. Voilà -- 11.5. An SCL restriction -- 11.6. The -t- morpheme -- 11.7. Remnant movement and -t- -- 11.8. Missing persons -- 11.9. The demonstrative SCL ce -- 11.10. A link to gerunds and to 'stylistic inversion' -- 11.11. Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z.

Language: English