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  • 1
    UID:
    almahu_BV047432382
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (xxviii, 703 Seiten) : , Illustrationen.
    ISBN: 978-1-315-75449-9
    Series Statement: Routledge handbooks in Linguistics
    Additional Edition: Erscheint auch als Druck-Ausgabe, Hardback ISBN 978-1-138-80199-8
    Additional Edition: Erscheint auch als Druck-Ausgabe, Paperback ISBN 978-0-367-64099-6
    Language: English
    Subjects: Education
    RVK:
    Keywords: Gebärdensprache ; Lehrbuch
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  • 2
    UID:
    gbv_1765059658
    Format: 1 online resource (xviii, 703 pages) , illustrations.
    ISBN: 9781317624271 , 1317624270 , 9781315754499 , 1315754495 , 9781317624288 , 1317624289 , 9781317624264 , 1317624262
    Series Statement: Routledge handbooks in linguistics
    Additional Edition: ISBN 9781138801998
    Additional Edition: ISBN 1138801992
    Additional Edition: Erscheint auch als Druck-Ausgabe ISBN 9781138801998
    Language: English
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  • 3
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar] : Taylor & Francis
    UID:
    gbv_1877763586
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (28 p.)
    ISBN: 9781138801998 , 9780367640996
    Content: This chapter discusses the scholarship that takes this type of argument encoding as grammatical agreement, and presents the formal analyses proposed and the arguments made to defend its linguistic nature by opposition to a gestural one. It properties associated with it will be described and exemplified. Agreement auxiliaries feature in the first analyses of agreement because ASL have one, but research has shown that they are not rare across sign languages. Quite significantly, agreement auxiliaries co-occur with plain verbs, many of which have transfer or motion semantics. Engberg-Pedersen also questions that cases like are instances of agreement proper and proposes instead that they are examples of pragmatic agreement, whereby the relation between the predicate and its argument is specified and in particular it occurs when contrast is at play. The complexities that agreement by itself raises in both sign and spoken languages but help better understand its properties and the range of variation of its instantiations vis-+a-vis related phenomena
    Note: English
    Language: Undetermined
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  • 4
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar] : Taylor & Francis
    UID:
    gbv_1877797111
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (21 p.)
    ISBN: 9781138801998 , 9780367640996
    Content: While definiteness encodes the information that the sender assumes that the addressee has, specificity encodes the knowledge that the sender has and the anchoring to an item. The chapter focuses on lexical determiners and non-manual marking. As the example below shows, the use of this sign does not have a pejorative meaning, as it can be used in a context where the discourse referent helps the sender. The reading in corresponds to an epistemically specific discourse referent, which is thus identifiable by the sender. The reading in corresponds to an epistemically non-specific and unidentifiable discourse referent. Definiteness and specificity are two interrelated but independent notions. Sign languages are provided with a rich array of lexical signs expressing indefiniteness, but to the best of my knowledge, only few lexical signs have been claimed so far to be specialized for a definiteness
    Note: English
    Language: Undetermined
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  • 5
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    [Erscheinungsort nicht ermittelbar] : Taylor & Francis
    UID:
    gbv_1877764981
    Format: 1 Online-Ressource (18 p.)
    ISBN: 9781138801998 , 9780367640996
    Content: The study of quantificational expressions is one of the central domains in the field of natural language semantics. Probably every language has means of expressing quantification, but quantifiers in natural languages are straightforwardly parallel to logical quantifiers. Based on the previous research on quantification in sign languages, we further discuss the following issues: lexical quantifiers, quantificational morphology, and structural aspects of quantification. The idea behind A-quantification stems from the analysis of indefinites by Kamp and Heim, according to which indefinite expressions are non-quantificational, and they just introduce a variable with descriptive content that must be unselectively bound by a quantifier. In opposition to D-quantification, Bach et al. group other ways of encoding quantification under the label A-quantification, which includes adverbs, auxiliaries, affixes, and argument-structure adjusters. A large variety of verbal modifiers that express different types of distributive semantics has been found in RSL by Filimonova
    Note: English
    Language: Undetermined
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  • 6
    UID:
    edocfu_9961382303702883
    Format: 1 online resource (733 pages)
    Edition: 1st ed.
    ISBN: 1-315-75449-5 , 1-317-62427-0
    Content: "The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research bridges the divide between theoretical and experimental approaches to provide an up-to-date survey of key topics in sign language research. With 29 chapters written by leading scholars from around the world, this Handbook covers the following key areas: On the theoretical side, all crucial aspects of sign language grammar studied within formal frameworks such as Generative Grammar; On the experimental side, theoretical accounts are supplemented by experimental evidence gained in psycho- and neurolinguistic studies. Each chapter features an introduction, an overview of the existing research based on the existing literature and includes a critical assessment of hypotheses and findings. The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research will be essential reading for all advanced students and researchers working in the field of sign language research, linguistics, psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics"--
    Note: Cover -- Endorsement -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Contributors -- Preface -- Editors' Acknowledgments -- Notational Conventions -- Abbreviations of Non-Manual Markers -- Sign Language Acronyms -- 1 Sign Language Phonology: Theoretical Perspectives -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Basic Units and Constraints -- 1.2.1 Handshape -- 1.2.2 Orientation -- 1.2.3 Location -- 1.2.4 Movement Types -- 1.2.5 Two-Handed Signs -- 1.3 Signs as Single Segments -- 1.4 What About Syllable Structure? -- 1.5 Rules -- 1.5.1 Grammatical Phonology and Utterance Phonology -- 1.5.2 Why Do Sign Languages Lack a Grammatical Phonology? -- 1.6 Iconicity -- 1.6.1 Discrete Iconicity and Gradual Iconicity -- 1.6.2 Gradual Iconicity -- 1.6.3 Incidental Discrete Iconicity -- 1.6.4 Recurrent Discrete Iconicity -- 1.7 Concluding Remarks -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 2 Phonological Comprehension: Experimental Perspectives -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Perceptual Sign Language Characteristics -- 2.3 Categorical Perception -- 2.4 Linguistic Experience -- 2.5 Acquisition Perspectives -- 2.6 Coarticulatory Effects -- 2.7 Conclusion -- References -- 3 Lexical Processing in Comprehension and Production: Experimental Perspectives -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Deafness, Plasticity, and the Language Network -- 3.3 Sign Processing -- 3.3.1 Signs Vs. Body Movements and Gestures -- 3.3.2 A Few Notes About Lexical Access in Comprehension and Production -- 3.3.3 Lexicality, Lexical Frequency, and Semantic Effects in Sign Comprehension -- 3.3.4 Sign Production -- 3.3.5 Iconicity: the Link Between Meaning and Form -- 3.4 Processing of Lexical Signs: Sublexical Units -- 3.4.1 Comprehension -- 3.4.2 Production. , 3.5 Cross-Linguistic Influences On Sign Language Processing: Bimodal Bilingualism -- 3.6 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Prosody: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Theoretical Description -- 4.2.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy -- 4.2.2 The Syllable and Mora -- 4.2.3 Prosodic Word -- 4.2.4 Phonological Phrase -- 4.2.5 Intonational Phrase -- 4.2.6 Relationship Between Syntactic and Prosodic Structure -- 4.3 Experimental Studies -- 4.3.1 Perception of Prosody -- 4.3.2 Acquisition -- 4.3.3 Emergence of Prosodic Structure -- 4.3.4 Neurolinguistic Studies -- 4.4 Future Directions: the Relationship Between Audio-Visual Prosody and Sign Language Prosody -- 4.5 Summary and Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 5 Verb Agreement: Theoretical Perspectives -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Properties of Agreement in Sign Languages -- 5.2.1 Agreement Markers -- 5.2.2 Verb Classes and Agreement -- 5.2.3 Agreement Auxiliaries -- 5.2.4 Non-Manual Agreement -- 5.3 Theoretical Analyses -- 5.3.1 Thematic Approaches -- 5.3.2 Syntactic Approaches -- 5.3.2.1 Foundations of a Syntactic Approach -- 5.3.2.2 Generative Syntactic Analyses -- 5.3.2.3 Clitic Analysis -- 5.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 6 Verb Agreement: Experimental Perspectives -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 The Acquisition of Verb Agreement -- 6.3 Verb Agreement Tested With Offline Methods -- 6.3.1 Agreement Tested in Reaction Time Studies -- 6.3.2 Agreement Tested in Eye Tracking Studies -- 6.4 Verb Agreement Tested With Online Methods -- 6.4.1 ERP Studies On Sign Language Agreement - a Morphosyntactic Analysis -- 6.4.2 ERP Studies On Sign Language Agreement - an Alternative Analysis -- 6.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 7 Classifiers: Theoretical Perspectives -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Typology of Classifiers in Sign Languages. , 7.3 Verb Root/stem Analysis -- 7.4 Noun Incorporation Analysis -- 7.5 Analyses in Terms of Agreement -- 7.5.1 Analyses Within the Framework of Distributed Morphology -- 7.5.1.1 Classifiers as Agreement Markers -- 7.5.1.2 Gender Agreement -- 7.5.1.3 Root Compounds -- 7.5.2 Agreement Analysis and Argument Structure -- 7.5.2.1 Projection of a Verbal Classifier Phrase -- 7.5.2.2 Classifiers as Heads of Functional Projections -- 7.5.2.3 Transitive-Transitive Alternation Based On Instrumental Classifiers -- 7.5.2.4 Cross-Linguistic Variation: Data From HKSL and TJSL -- 7.6 Syntactic Structure of Classifier Predicates Is Built Upon Event Structure -- 7.7 Semantic Analyses of Classifier Predicates -- 7.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 8 Classifiers: Experimental Perspectives -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Acquisition of Classifiers -- 8.2.1 Classifier Constructions in L1 Acquisition -- 8.2.2 L2 Acquisition of Classifier Constructions -- 8.3 Gesture and Classifier Constructions -- 8.4 Psycholinguistic Studies -- 8.5 Neurolinguistic Studies -- 8.5.1 Studies With Brain-Damaged Participants -- 8.5.2 Brain Imaging Studies -- 8.6 Discussion -- 8.7 Summary and Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 9 Aspect: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 9.1 Theoretical Foundations of Aspect -- 9.1.1 Lexical Aspect (Aktionsart/event Structure) -- 9.1.2 Grammatical Aspect -- 9.2 Viewpoint Aspect in Sign Languages -- 9.2.1 Free Aspectual Markers -- 9.2.2 Bound Markers of Aspect -- 9.3 Event Structure and Reference Time Representation in Sign Languages -- 9.3.1 Markers of Event Structure -- 9.3.2 Experimental Investigations of Aspect and Event Structure in Sign Languages -- 9.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 10 Determiner Phrases: Theoretical Perspectives -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 Building Nouns -- 10.3 Building… Determiner Phrases?. , 10.3.1 Sign Languages and the NP/DP Parameter -- 10.3.2 The Categorial Status of Pointing Signs -- 10.4 Word Order Patterns -- 10.5 Possessives -- 10.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 11 Content Interrogatives: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Theoretical Perspectives -- 11.2.1 Positions of the Interrogative Signs and the Leftward/rightward Controversy -- 11.2.1.1 Doubling Constructions -- 11.2.1.2 Single Sentence-Initial Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.3 Single Sentence-Final Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.4 Role of the Non-Manual Markers -- 11.2.1.5 Long-Distance Extraction of Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.6 Sentence-Final Interrogative Signs Undergoing Focus Movement -- 11.2.1.7 A Linearization Account for Wh-Doubling Constructions in Libras -- 11.2.1.8 Clefted Question Analyses -- 11.2.1.9 'No Movement' Analysis -- 11.2.1.10 Accounts for the Contrast Between Sign and Spoken Languages -- 11.2.2 Question Particles as Clause-Typers -- 11.2.3 Form and Functions of Non-Manual Marking in Content Interrogatives -- 11.2.3.1 Markers of the Scope of the [+wh] Operators -- 11.2.3.2 Functions of Individual Non-Manual Markers -- 11.2.4 Multiple Wh-Questions -- 11.2.5 Embedded Content Interrogatives -- 11.2.5.1 Embedded Content Interrogatives as Complement Clauses -- 11.2.5.2 Rhetorical Questions, Wh-Clefts, Or Question-Answer Clauses? -- 11.3 Experimental Perspectives -- 11.3.1 Acquisition of Content Interrogatives -- 11.3.2 Emergence of Content Interrogatives in a Homesign System -- 11.3.3 Emergence of Grammatical Non-Manual Markers for Content Interrogatives in Young Sign Languages -- 11.3.4 Processing of Content Interrogatives -- 11.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 12 Negation: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Theoretical Perspectives. , 12.2.1 Position of Negation in the Clause Structure -- 12.2.1.1 The Final-Over-Final Constraint -- 12.2.1.2 SOV Sign Languages in Light of the FOFC -- 12.2.1.3 SVO Sign Languages in Light of the FOFC -- 12.2.1.4 Other Distributions of Negation in a Sentence and the FOFC -- 12.2.2 Non-Manual Markers -- 12.2.3 Formal Approaches to Typological Issues -- 12.2.3.1 Goodwin (2013): a Formal Syntactic Typology Based On Where [+neg] Occurs -- 12.2.3.2 Pfau (2016): a Formal Syntactic Typology Based On Feature Values -- 12.3 Experimental Perspectives -- 12.3.1 Acquisition of Negation By Deaf Children Learning ASL -- 12.3.2 Negation in a Homesign System -- 12.3.3 Neurolinguistic Evidence -- 12.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 13 Null Arguments and Ellipsis: Theoretical Perspectives -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Earlier Work On Null Arguments in Sign Languages -- 13.2.1 Null Arguments in Spoken Languages -- 13.2.2 Lillo-Martin (1986) On Null Arguments in American Sign Language -- 13.2.3 Neidle Et Al. (1996, 2000) On Null Arguments in American Sign Language -- 13.3 VP Ellipsis in Sign Languages -- 13.4 The Ellipsis Analysis of Null Arguments -- 13.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 14 Null Arguments: Experimental Perspectives -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 Psycholinguistic Studies With Adults -- 14.3 Acquisition Studies -- 14.3.1 Acquisition of Null Arguments - Syntactic Factors (Deaf Native Signers) -- 14.3.2 Null and Overt Arguments in Reference Tracking (Deaf and Hearing Native Signers) -- 14.3.3 Adult L2 Learners -- 14.4 Discussion and Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 15 Relative Clauses: Theoretical Perspectives -- 15.1 Introduction: the Cross-Linguistic Investigation of Relative Constructions -- 15.2 Syntactic Typologies of Relativization -- 15.2.1 Internally-Headed Relative Clauses. , 15.2.1.1 Properties of Internally-Headed Relative Clauses.
    Additional Edition: ISBN 0-367-64099-6
    Additional Edition: ISBN 1-138-80199-2
    Language: English
    Library Location Call Number Volume/Issue/Year Availability
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  • 7
    UID:
    edoccha_9961382303702883
    Format: 1 online resource (733 pages)
    Edition: 1st ed.
    ISBN: 1-315-75449-5 , 1-317-62427-0
    Content: "The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research bridges the divide between theoretical and experimental approaches to provide an up-to-date survey of key topics in sign language research. With 29 chapters written by leading scholars from around the world, this Handbook covers the following key areas: On the theoretical side, all crucial aspects of sign language grammar studied within formal frameworks such as Generative Grammar; On the experimental side, theoretical accounts are supplemented by experimental evidence gained in psycho- and neurolinguistic studies. Each chapter features an introduction, an overview of the existing research based on the existing literature and includes a critical assessment of hypotheses and findings. The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research will be essential reading for all advanced students and researchers working in the field of sign language research, linguistics, psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics"--
    Note: Cover -- Endorsement -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Contributors -- Preface -- Editors' Acknowledgments -- Notational Conventions -- Abbreviations of Non-Manual Markers -- Sign Language Acronyms -- 1 Sign Language Phonology: Theoretical Perspectives -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Basic Units and Constraints -- 1.2.1 Handshape -- 1.2.2 Orientation -- 1.2.3 Location -- 1.2.4 Movement Types -- 1.2.5 Two-Handed Signs -- 1.3 Signs as Single Segments -- 1.4 What About Syllable Structure? -- 1.5 Rules -- 1.5.1 Grammatical Phonology and Utterance Phonology -- 1.5.2 Why Do Sign Languages Lack a Grammatical Phonology? -- 1.6 Iconicity -- 1.6.1 Discrete Iconicity and Gradual Iconicity -- 1.6.2 Gradual Iconicity -- 1.6.3 Incidental Discrete Iconicity -- 1.6.4 Recurrent Discrete Iconicity -- 1.7 Concluding Remarks -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 2 Phonological Comprehension: Experimental Perspectives -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Perceptual Sign Language Characteristics -- 2.3 Categorical Perception -- 2.4 Linguistic Experience -- 2.5 Acquisition Perspectives -- 2.6 Coarticulatory Effects -- 2.7 Conclusion -- References -- 3 Lexical Processing in Comprehension and Production: Experimental Perspectives -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Deafness, Plasticity, and the Language Network -- 3.3 Sign Processing -- 3.3.1 Signs Vs. Body Movements and Gestures -- 3.3.2 A Few Notes About Lexical Access in Comprehension and Production -- 3.3.3 Lexicality, Lexical Frequency, and Semantic Effects in Sign Comprehension -- 3.3.4 Sign Production -- 3.3.5 Iconicity: the Link Between Meaning and Form -- 3.4 Processing of Lexical Signs: Sublexical Units -- 3.4.1 Comprehension -- 3.4.2 Production. , 3.5 Cross-Linguistic Influences On Sign Language Processing: Bimodal Bilingualism -- 3.6 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Prosody: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Theoretical Description -- 4.2.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy -- 4.2.2 The Syllable and Mora -- 4.2.3 Prosodic Word -- 4.2.4 Phonological Phrase -- 4.2.5 Intonational Phrase -- 4.2.6 Relationship Between Syntactic and Prosodic Structure -- 4.3 Experimental Studies -- 4.3.1 Perception of Prosody -- 4.3.2 Acquisition -- 4.3.3 Emergence of Prosodic Structure -- 4.3.4 Neurolinguistic Studies -- 4.4 Future Directions: the Relationship Between Audio-Visual Prosody and Sign Language Prosody -- 4.5 Summary and Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 5 Verb Agreement: Theoretical Perspectives -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Properties of Agreement in Sign Languages -- 5.2.1 Agreement Markers -- 5.2.2 Verb Classes and Agreement -- 5.2.3 Agreement Auxiliaries -- 5.2.4 Non-Manual Agreement -- 5.3 Theoretical Analyses -- 5.3.1 Thematic Approaches -- 5.3.2 Syntactic Approaches -- 5.3.2.1 Foundations of a Syntactic Approach -- 5.3.2.2 Generative Syntactic Analyses -- 5.3.2.3 Clitic Analysis -- 5.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 6 Verb Agreement: Experimental Perspectives -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 The Acquisition of Verb Agreement -- 6.3 Verb Agreement Tested With Offline Methods -- 6.3.1 Agreement Tested in Reaction Time Studies -- 6.3.2 Agreement Tested in Eye Tracking Studies -- 6.4 Verb Agreement Tested With Online Methods -- 6.4.1 ERP Studies On Sign Language Agreement - a Morphosyntactic Analysis -- 6.4.2 ERP Studies On Sign Language Agreement - an Alternative Analysis -- 6.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 7 Classifiers: Theoretical Perspectives -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Typology of Classifiers in Sign Languages. , 7.3 Verb Root/stem Analysis -- 7.4 Noun Incorporation Analysis -- 7.5 Analyses in Terms of Agreement -- 7.5.1 Analyses Within the Framework of Distributed Morphology -- 7.5.1.1 Classifiers as Agreement Markers -- 7.5.1.2 Gender Agreement -- 7.5.1.3 Root Compounds -- 7.5.2 Agreement Analysis and Argument Structure -- 7.5.2.1 Projection of a Verbal Classifier Phrase -- 7.5.2.2 Classifiers as Heads of Functional Projections -- 7.5.2.3 Transitive-Transitive Alternation Based On Instrumental Classifiers -- 7.5.2.4 Cross-Linguistic Variation: Data From HKSL and TJSL -- 7.6 Syntactic Structure of Classifier Predicates Is Built Upon Event Structure -- 7.7 Semantic Analyses of Classifier Predicates -- 7.8 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 8 Classifiers: Experimental Perspectives -- 8.1 Introduction -- 8.2 Acquisition of Classifiers -- 8.2.1 Classifier Constructions in L1 Acquisition -- 8.2.2 L2 Acquisition of Classifier Constructions -- 8.3 Gesture and Classifier Constructions -- 8.4 Psycholinguistic Studies -- 8.5 Neurolinguistic Studies -- 8.5.1 Studies With Brain-Damaged Participants -- 8.5.2 Brain Imaging Studies -- 8.6 Discussion -- 8.7 Summary and Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 9 Aspect: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 9.1 Theoretical Foundations of Aspect -- 9.1.1 Lexical Aspect (Aktionsart/event Structure) -- 9.1.2 Grammatical Aspect -- 9.2 Viewpoint Aspect in Sign Languages -- 9.2.1 Free Aspectual Markers -- 9.2.2 Bound Markers of Aspect -- 9.3 Event Structure and Reference Time Representation in Sign Languages -- 9.3.1 Markers of Event Structure -- 9.3.2 Experimental Investigations of Aspect and Event Structure in Sign Languages -- 9.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 10 Determiner Phrases: Theoretical Perspectives -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 Building Nouns -- 10.3 Building… Determiner Phrases?. , 10.3.1 Sign Languages and the NP/DP Parameter -- 10.3.2 The Categorial Status of Pointing Signs -- 10.4 Word Order Patterns -- 10.5 Possessives -- 10.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 11 Content Interrogatives: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Theoretical Perspectives -- 11.2.1 Positions of the Interrogative Signs and the Leftward/rightward Controversy -- 11.2.1.1 Doubling Constructions -- 11.2.1.2 Single Sentence-Initial Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.3 Single Sentence-Final Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.4 Role of the Non-Manual Markers -- 11.2.1.5 Long-Distance Extraction of Interrogative Signs -- 11.2.1.6 Sentence-Final Interrogative Signs Undergoing Focus Movement -- 11.2.1.7 A Linearization Account for Wh-Doubling Constructions in Libras -- 11.2.1.8 Clefted Question Analyses -- 11.2.1.9 'No Movement' Analysis -- 11.2.1.10 Accounts for the Contrast Between Sign and Spoken Languages -- 11.2.2 Question Particles as Clause-Typers -- 11.2.3 Form and Functions of Non-Manual Marking in Content Interrogatives -- 11.2.3.1 Markers of the Scope of the [+wh] Operators -- 11.2.3.2 Functions of Individual Non-Manual Markers -- 11.2.4 Multiple Wh-Questions -- 11.2.5 Embedded Content Interrogatives -- 11.2.5.1 Embedded Content Interrogatives as Complement Clauses -- 11.2.5.2 Rhetorical Questions, Wh-Clefts, Or Question-Answer Clauses? -- 11.3 Experimental Perspectives -- 11.3.1 Acquisition of Content Interrogatives -- 11.3.2 Emergence of Content Interrogatives in a Homesign System -- 11.3.3 Emergence of Grammatical Non-Manual Markers for Content Interrogatives in Young Sign Languages -- 11.3.4 Processing of Content Interrogatives -- 11.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 12 Negation: Theoretical and Experimental Perspectives -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Theoretical Perspectives. , 12.2.1 Position of Negation in the Clause Structure -- 12.2.1.1 The Final-Over-Final Constraint -- 12.2.1.2 SOV Sign Languages in Light of the FOFC -- 12.2.1.3 SVO Sign Languages in Light of the FOFC -- 12.2.1.4 Other Distributions of Negation in a Sentence and the FOFC -- 12.2.2 Non-Manual Markers -- 12.2.3 Formal Approaches to Typological Issues -- 12.2.3.1 Goodwin (2013): a Formal Syntactic Typology Based On Where [+neg] Occurs -- 12.2.3.2 Pfau (2016): a Formal Syntactic Typology Based On Feature Values -- 12.3 Experimental Perspectives -- 12.3.1 Acquisition of Negation By Deaf Children Learning ASL -- 12.3.2 Negation in a Homesign System -- 12.3.3 Neurolinguistic Evidence -- 12.4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- References -- 13 Null Arguments and Ellipsis: Theoretical Perspectives -- 13.1 Introduction -- 13.2 Earlier Work On Null Arguments in Sign Languages -- 13.2.1 Null Arguments in Spoken Languages -- 13.2.2 Lillo-Martin (1986) On Null Arguments in American Sign Language -- 13.2.3 Neidle Et Al. (1996, 2000) On Null Arguments in American Sign Language -- 13.3 VP Ellipsis in Sign Languages -- 13.4 The Ellipsis Analysis of Null Arguments -- 13.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 14 Null Arguments: Experimental Perspectives -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 Psycholinguistic Studies With Adults -- 14.3 Acquisition Studies -- 14.3.1 Acquisition of Null Arguments - Syntactic Factors (Deaf Native Signers) -- 14.3.2 Null and Overt Arguments in Reference Tracking (Deaf and Hearing Native Signers) -- 14.3.3 Adult L2 Learners -- 14.4 Discussion and Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 15 Relative Clauses: Theoretical Perspectives -- 15.1 Introduction: the Cross-Linguistic Investigation of Relative Constructions -- 15.2 Syntactic Typologies of Relativization -- 15.2.1 Internally-Headed Relative Clauses. , 15.2.1.1 Properties of Internally-Headed Relative Clauses.
    Additional Edition: ISBN 0-367-64099-6
    Additional Edition: ISBN 1-138-80199-2
    Language: English
    Library Location Call Number Volume/Issue/Year Availability
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