UID:
almahu_9949982224802882
Format:
1 online resource (751 pages)
Edition:
1st ed.
ISBN:
9781805113522
Series Statement:
Semitic Languages and Cultures Series ; v.27
Note:
Intro -- 0. Front matter -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1. Introduction -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Aim -- 1.2. Method and Terminology -- 1.2.1. Diachronic Typology and Grammaticalisation in a Comparative Semitic Setting -- 1.2.2. The TAM Categories -- 1.2.3. The Data: My Corpus and Database -- 1.2.4. The Concept of Domain and the Chaining Nature of Early Semitic -- 1.2.5. The Pronunciation of the Conjunction Wa in CBH and the Tiberian Masoretic Text -- 1.2.6. The Concept of Discourse Continuity in CBH -- 1.2.7. Clause Linking -- 1.2.8. The Foreground-Background Distinction -- 1.2.9. Bybee's Construction Theory -- 1.3. Previous Research -- 2. The Conjunction wa -- 2. The Conjunction Wa in CBH -- 2.1. PS *Wa and the Concept of Natural Language Connective -- 2.2. Some Reflexes of PS *Wa in Semitic Languages -- 2.2.1. PS *Wa in Akkadian -- 2.2.2. PS *Wa in Gəʿəz -- 2.2.3. PS *Wa in Modern South Arabian -- 2.2.4. PS *Wa in Ancient (South) Arabian -- 2.2.5. PS *Wa in Classical Arabic -- 2.2.6. PS *Wa in Ugaritic -- 2.2.7. PS *Wa in Amarna Canaanite -- 2.2.8. PS *Wa in Phoenician -- 2.2.9. PS *Wa in Old Aramaic -- 2.2.10. PS *Wa in Epigraphic Hebrew -- 2.3. The Reflex of PS *Wa in CBH -- 2.3.1. Wa-linking as Elaboration or Summary -- 2.3.1.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.1.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.2. Wa-linking as Circumstantial Action or State -- 2.3.2.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.2.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.3. Wa-linking as Background -- 2.3.3.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.3.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.3.3. Wa(y)-yiqṭol Clause(s) in Background -- 2.3.3.4. Wa-qaṭal Clause(s) in Background -- 2.3.4. Wa-linking as Same-event Addition and Parallelism -- 2.3.4.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.4.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses.
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2.3.5. Wa-linking as Temporal Succession -- 2.3.5.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.5.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.6. Wa-linking as a Focal Result Clause -- 2.3.6.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.6.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.7. Wa-linking as a Supporting Reason Clause -- 2.3.7.1. Discourse-Discontinuity Clauses -- 2.3.7.2. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.8. Wa-linking Carrying over the Preceding Manner -- 2.3.8.1. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.9. Wa-linking as Semantic Complement -- 2.3.9.1. Discourse-Continuity Clauses -- 2.3.10. Wa-linking and Conditionality without Conditional Conjunction -- 2.4. Summary -- 3. The Short Yiqtol -- 3. The Short Yiqṭol as a Separate Verbal Morpheme in CBH -- 3.1. The Semitic Background of the CBH Short Yiqṭol -- 3.1.1. East Semitic: Akkadian -- 3.1.2. Ethio-Semitic -- 3.1.3. Modern South Arabian (MSA) -- 3.1.4. Ancient South Arabian -- 3.1.5. Classical Arabic -- 3.1.6. Amorite -- 3.1.7. Ugaritic -- 3.1.8. Amarna Canaanite -- 3.1.9. Phoenician -- 3.1.10. Moabite -- 3.1.11. Aramaic -- 3.2. The Short Yiqṭol in the Archaic Hebrew Poetry -- 3.3. The Short Yiqṭol in the Pre-exilic Hebrew Inscriptions -- 3.4. The Short Yiqṭol in CBH -- 3.4.1. The Morphological Contrast Yiqṭol(Ø)/Yiqṭol(u) in CBH -- 3.4.1.1. The Short Yiqṭol in the Morphology of the Strong Verb: Hifʿil -- 3.4.1.2. The Short Yiqṭol in the Morphology of Verbs IIwy -- 3.4.1.3. The Short Yiqṭol in the Morphology of Verbs IIIwy -- 3.4.2. The Meanings of the Short Yiqṭol in CBH -- 3.4.2.1. The Realis/Indicative Yiqṭol(Ø) in CBH -- 3.4.2.2. The Short Yiqṭol as Irrealis in CBH -- 3.4.2.3. The Short Yiqṭol with Ventive/Cohortative Clitic -ā -- 3.4.3. The Distinct Identity of Yiqṭol(Ø) in Contrast to Yiqṭol(u): The Role of Word Order -- 3.4.4. When the Word Order Rule Did Not Apply in CBH -- 3.4.4.1. Negated Clauses.
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3.4.4.2. Apparent Violations of the Rule for Yiqṭol(Ø) -- 3.4.4.3. Apparent Violations of the Rule for Yiqṭol(u) -- 3.4.4.4. The Archaic Use of Ø-yiqṭol(u) as Asyndetic Relative Clause -- 3.4.4.5. A Late Use of Ø-yiqṭol(u) in Deuteronomy -- 3.4.4.6. Baden's Supposed Cases of Wa-yiqṭol(u) Expressing Result -- 3.4.5. How the Two Meanings of Wa-yiqṭol(Ø) Were Distinguished in CBH -- 3.5. Summary: The Independent Status of the Short Yiqṭol -- 4. The Imperfective Long Yiqtol -- 4. The Imperfective Long Yiqṭol(u) in CBH -- 4.1. The Semitic Background of the CBH Long Yiqṭol -- 4.1.1. Introduction -- 4.1.1.1. Excursus: A Parallel Imperfective Formation (Qoṭel) -- 4.1.2. Ancient South Arabian -- 4.1.3. Arabic -- 4.1.4. Amorite -- 4.1.5. Ugaritic -- 4.1.6. Amarna Canaanite -- 4.1.7. Phoenician -- 4.1.8. Aramaic -- 4.2. The Long Yiqṭol in the Archaic Hebrew Poetry -- 4.3. The Long Yiqṭol in the Pre-exilic Hebrew Inscriptions -- 4.4. The Meanings of the Long Yiqṭol in CBH -- 4.5. Summary: The Independent Status of the Long Yiqṭol (< -- *yaqtulu) -- 5. The Perfective Formation Qatal -- 5. The Perfective Formation Qaṭal in CBH -- 5.1. The Semitic Background of Qaṭal -- 5.1.1. Gəʿəz -- 5.1.2. Modern South Arabian -- 5.1.3. Ancient South Arabian -- 5.1.4. Classical Arabic -- 5.1.5. Amorite -- 5.1.6. Ugaritic -- 5.1.7. Amarna Canaanite -- 5.1.8. Phoenician -- 5.1.9. Old and Imperial Aramaic -- 5.2. Qaṭal in the Archaic Hebrew Poetry -- 5.3. Qaṭal in the Pre-Exilic Hebrew Inscriptions -- 5.4. The Meanings of Qaṭal in CBH -- 5.4.1. The Resultative Meaning of Qaṭal -- 5.4.2. Qaṭal with Stativic Verbs -- 5.4.3. Qaṭal as Anterior -- 5.4.4. Qaṭal as Perfective -- 5.4.5. Qaṭal as Performative -- 5.4.6. Virtually Habitual Perfective Qaṭal -- 5.4.7. Irreal Qaṭal -- 5.4.8. Qaṭal Functioning as Wa-qaṭal.
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5.5. Why Qaṭal Came to Alternate with Wa(y)-yiqṭol: Qaṭal as Intruding Morpheme in CBH -- 5.6. Summary: The Identity of Qaṭal as Perfective Gram in CBH -- 6. The Construction wa-qatal -- 6. The Construction Wa-qaṭal in CBH -- 6.1. The Construction Concept -- 6.2. Precursors of the CBH Construction Wa-qaṭal in Northwest Semitic -- 6.2.1. The Clause-type Wa-qatal in Modal Series -- 6.2.2. The Clause-type Wa-qatal as First Clause after Some Types of Condition -- 6.2.2.1. Ugaritic -- 6.2.2.2. Amarna Canaanite -- 6.2.3. The Clause-type Wa-qatal as Second Clause in Apodosis -- 6.2.4. Observations Regarding the Use of Wa-qatal in Northwest Semitic Languages in the Late Bronze Age -- 6.3. Parallels of the CBH Construction Wa-qaṭal in Iron Age Northwest Semitic -- 6.3.1. The Clause-type Wa-qatal in Modal Series -- 6.3.1.1. Pre-exilic Hebrew Inscriptions -- 6.3.1.2. Edomite -- 6.3.2. The Clause-type Wa-qatal as First Clause in an Apodosis -- 6.3.2.1. Samalian -- 6.3.2.2. Phoenician -- 6.3.2.3. Pre-exilic Hebrew Inscriptions -- 6.3.3. Wa-qatal as Second Clause in Protasis or Apodosis -- 6.3.3.1. Phoenician -- 6.4. Survey of Modal Sequences with Internal Wa-qaṭal in CBH -- 6.5. Result Functions of Wa-qaṭal in Other Domains in CBH -- 6.5.1. The Instructional Domain and Wa-qaṭal -- 6.5.2. Future Time Reference and Wa-qaṭal -- 6.5.3. Result Wa-qaṭal within a Protasis -- 6.5.4. Result Wa-qaṭal within an Apodosis -- 6.5.5. Result Wa-qaṭal in a Pɛn-domain -- 6.5.6. Result Wa-qaṭal in Counterfactual Domains -- 6.6. The Significance of the Result Meaning in the Development of Wa-qaṭal in CBH -- 6.7. Survey of Conditional Sentences with Wa-qaṭal as Apodosis in CBH -- 6.7.1. The Types of Apodoses in CBH -- 6.7.2. Types of Protases in CBH -- 6.8. Discussion about the Birthplace of the Construction Wa-qaṭal -- 6.9. Temporal or Causal Clause with Wa-qaṭal.
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6.10. Topics and their Wa-qaṭal Comments -- 6.11. First Clause and Wa-qaṭal Being of Equal Status79F -- 6.11.1. Yiqṭol(u) + Wa-qaṭal -- 6.11.2. The Linking Type Wa-qaṭal + Wa-qaṭal -- 6.11.3. The Linking Type Qoṭel + Wa-qaṭal -- 6.11.4. The Linking Type Qaṭal + Wa-qaṭal -- 6.12. The Linking Wa-qaṭal + (Wa)-X-yiqṭol(u) -- 6.13. The Linking Wa-qaṭal + (Wa)-lō-yiqṭol(u) -- 6.14. Summary: The Identity of Wa-qaṭal as Imperfective Construction in CBH -- 7. The Linguistic Reality -- 7. The Linguistic Reality behind the Consecutive Tenses -- 7.1. A New Terminology -- 7.2. Tenet 1a: Wa-VX // Wa-XV -- 7.2.1. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // Wa-X-qaṭal -- 7.2.2. Interruption Type Wa-qaṭal // Wa-X-yiqṭol(u) -- 7.3. Tenet 1b: Wa-VX // Ø-(X)V -- 7.3.1. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // Ø-X-qaṭal -- 7.3.2. Interruption Type Wa-qaṭal // Ø-X-yiqṭol(u) -- 7.3.3. Ø-qaṭal as Discontinuity Clause -- 7.3.3.1. Ø-qaṭal as Paragraph Beginning (// Ø-qaṭal) -- 7.3.3.2. Main Clause // Ø-qaṭal -- 7.3.3.3. Ø-qaṭal in Conditional and Topic-comment Linkings -- 7.3.3.4. Ø-qaṭal as Relative Clause -- 7.4. Tenet 1c: Wa-VX // (Wa)-(X)-qoṭel -- 7.4.1. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol + Ø-(X)-qoṭel -- 7.4.2. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // Wa-(X)-qoṭel -- 7.4.3. Interruption Type Wa-qaṭal // (Wa)-(X)-qoṭel -- 7.5. Tenet 1d: Wa-VX // (Wa)-XØ -- 7.5.1. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // (Wa)-XØ -- 7.5.2. Interruption Type Wa-qaṭal // (Wa)-XØ -- 7.6. Tenet 1e: The Aspectual Interruption -- 7.6.1. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // (Wa)-X-yiqṭol(u) -- 7.6.2. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // Wa-lō-yiqṭol(u) -- 7.6.3. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // Wa-qaṭal -- 7.6.4. Interruption Type Wa(y)-yiqṭol // (Wa)-(X)-qoṭel -- 7.7. Tenet 2a: // Wa-XV + (1a, 1b, 1c, or 1d) + Wa-VX -- 7.7.1. Wa-X-qaṭal (foreground) + (1a, 1b, 1c, or 1d) + Wa(y)-yiqṭol.
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7.7.2. Wa-X-qaṭal (background) + (1a, 1b, 1c, or 1d) + Wa(y)-yiqṭol.
Additional Edition:
Print version: Isaksson, Bo The Verb in Classical Hebrew Cambridge, UK : Open Book Publishers,c2024
Language:
English
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