Kooperativer Bibliotheksverbund

UID:

Format: 223 Seiten : , Diagramme.

Note: Dissertation Universität Leipzig 2018

Language: English

Subjects: German Studies

Keywords: Deutsch ; Koordination ; Ellipse ; Subjekt ; Grammatiktheorie ; Hochschulschrift

UID:

Format: 1 online resource (395 p.)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-15602-0 , 9786612156021 , 90-272-9372-4

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell = v. 89

Content: This monograph proposes a minimalist, phase-based approach to the derivation of coordinate structures, utilizing the operations Copy and Match to account for both the symmetries and asymmetries of coordination. Data are drawn primarily from English, German and Dutch. The basic assumptions are that all coordinate structures are symmetric to some degree (in contrast to parasitic gap and many verb phrase ellipsis constructions), and these symmetries, especially with ellipsis, allow syntactic derivations to utilize Copy and Match in interface with active memory for economizing with gaps and assuring clarity of interpretation. With derivations operating at the feature level, troublesome properties of coordinate structures such as cross-categorial and non-constituent coordination, violations of the Coordinate Structure Constraint, as well as coordinate ellipsis (Gapping, RNR, Left-Edge Ellipsis) are accounted for without separate mechanisms or conditions applicable only to coordinate structures. The proposal provides support for central assumptions about the structure of West Germanic.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Deriving Coordinate Symmetries -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Abbreviations -- Outline of the study -- 1.1. Introduction -- 1.2. Features and matching in coordination -- 1.3. Merge and phase in the derivation of coordinate structures -- 1.4. Ellipsis in conjunction -- 1.5. Coordinate ellipsis and the structure of Germanic -- Features and matching in coordination -- 2.1. Coordinate Feature Matching (CFM) -- 2.2. Features in syntax vs. in coordination -- 2.3. Features in coordination -- 2.3.1. Symmetry and features in conjunction: questions raised -- 2.3.2. Asymmetry and features in coordination -- 2.3.3. Configurations and agreement in coordinate structures -- 2.3.4. Configurations and (a)symmetry in coordinate structures -- 2.4. Feature matching in derivation -- 2.4.1. CFM within a derivational model -- 2.4.2. On the syntax and semantics of [& -- ] -- 2.4.3. Some semantic issues of coordination and agreement -- 2.4.4. The core relations and their features in coordinate symmetry -- 2.4.5. Independent support for CFM from experiments -- 2.4.6. Deriving coordinate symmetry -- 2.4.7. Feature matching and structural isometricity -- 2.5. Feature matching and configurations -- 2.5.1. Camacho (2000) on syntactic symmetries in coordination -- 2.5.2. An alternate proposal -- 2.5.3. Symmetry and sharing in conjoined clauses -- 2.5.4. Feature matching in certain asymmetric constructions -- 2.5.5. weil+V2: Conjunction-clause and syntax-semantics mismatches -- 2.5.6. Summarizing the mismatches -- 2.6. Symmetry within asymmetry through Select, Copy and Match -- 2.7. Chapter summary and conclusions -- Deriving coordinate structures -- 3.1. Some background -- 3.2. Binary phrase structure, asymmetry and coordination -- 3.3. Coordination in the Spec-head-complement model -- 3.3.1. Move alpha not required in conjunction. , 3.3.2. Unbalanced coordination -- 3.4. Properties of [& -- ] and clausal conjuncts -- 3.4.1. [& -- ] does not project a phrase -- 3.4.2. [& -- ] does not assign or check Case -- 3.4.3. Non-projecting [& -- ] and asymmetric agreement -- 3.4.4. Not all coordinate constructions are CP-based -- 3.5. Conjunction as a pure Merge operation -- 3.5.1. Steps in conjunction -- 3.5.2. Comparing conjunction by pure Merge to other models -- 3.5.3. Solutions available in a phase-based model -- 3.5.4. The role of CFM in a derivational model -- 3.5.5. Feature Matching in conjunction vs. in simplex sentences -- 3.5.6. Selection and sequence issues -- 3.6. An account of breakdown in agreement using a CFM-based derivational model -- 3.6.1. Abstract, morphological and default Case -- 3.6.2. Symmetry and derivational economy -- 3.6.3. Breakdown and prescriptiveness in English -- 3.7. Chapter conclusion -- Deriving coordinate ellipsis -- 4.0. Introduction -- 4.1. Some core properties of and basic assumptions about ellipsis -- 4.1.1. Core properties -- 4.1.2. Parallelism: Its properties, source and role in coordinate ellipsis -- 4.1.3. Coordinate ellipsis, matching and sloppy identity -- 4.1.4. Asymmetry versus coordinate symmetry: Gap or no gap? -- 4.2. Licensing of gaps -- 4.2.1. Williams' proposal and an alternative -- 4.2.2. Licensing locally by a lexical head at the left edge -- 4.2.3. Licensing locally by a prosodic feature at the right edge -- 4.2.4. Licensing by a prosodic feature conjunct-internally -- 4.3. Recovery of gaps by matching in LF -- 4.3.1. Recovery in LEE -- 4.3.2. Recovery in RNR -- 4.3.3. Recovery in Gapping -- 4.4. VPE -- 4.4.1. Binding, not matching -- 4.4.2. Some additional contrasts and a conclusion -- 4.5. Coordinate ellipsis and derivation by phase with Copy and Match -- 4.5.1. Deriving coordinate ellipsis. , 4.5.2. Symmetric ellipsis in non-coordinate structures -- 4.5.3. ATB phenomena and the CSC: Ross's generalization and what it accounts for -- 4.5.4. Comparing the parasitic gap construction to the ATB construction -- 4.6. Chapter summary and conclusion -- Coordinate ellipsis and the structure of West Germanic -- 5.0. Introduction -- 5.1. The left edge and coordinate ellipsis -- 5.1.1. LEE and the left edge in Germanic: Reviewing the data -- 5.1.2. Büring and Hartmann (1998) on left-edge subject gaps -- 5.1.3. Comparing a VPR account of left-edge subject gaps -- 5.1.4. Phase Theory, subject-object asymmetries and LEE -- 5.2. Other types of coordinate ellipsis and the West Germanic CP-domain -- 5.2.1. RNR and subject-object asymmetries -- 5.2.2. Gapping, RNR and subject-object asymmetries -- 5.3. Coordination and a finely-structured CP-domain -- 5.4. Gapping and the structure of the German VP -- 5.5. Chapter conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- References -- Appendix -- Left-Edge Subject Deletion -- Left-Edge Direct-Object Deletion -- Left-Edge Indirect-Object Deletion -- Gapping -- Right-Edge Ellipsis (a.k.a. RNR -- some sentences also have Gapping) -- Note -- Name index -- Subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-3353-5

Language: English

UID:

Format: 1 online resource (395 p.)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-15602-0 , 9786612156021 , 90-272-9372-4

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell = v. 89

Content: This monograph proposes a minimalist, phase-based approach to the derivation of coordinate structures, utilizing the operations Copy and Match to account for both the symmetries and asymmetries of coordination. Data are drawn primarily from English, German and Dutch. The basic assumptions are that all coordinate structures are symmetric to some degree (in contrast to parasitic gap and many verb phrase ellipsis constructions), and these symmetries, especially with ellipsis, allow syntactic derivations to utilize Copy and Match in interface with active memory for economizing with gaps and assuring clarity of interpretation. With derivations operating at the feature level, troublesome properties of coordinate structures such as cross-categorial and non-constituent coordination, violations of the Coordinate Structure Constraint, as well as coordinate ellipsis (Gapping, RNR, Left-Edge Ellipsis) are accounted for without separate mechanisms or conditions applicable only to coordinate structures. The proposal provides support for central assumptions about the structure of West Germanic.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Deriving Coordinate Symmetries -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Abbreviations -- Outline of the study -- 1.1. Introduction -- 1.2. Features and matching in coordination -- 1.3. Merge and phase in the derivation of coordinate structures -- 1.4. Ellipsis in conjunction -- 1.5. Coordinate ellipsis and the structure of Germanic -- Features and matching in coordination -- 2.1. Coordinate Feature Matching (CFM) -- 2.2. Features in syntax vs. in coordination -- 2.3. Features in coordination -- 2.3.1. Symmetry and features in conjunction: questions raised -- 2.3.2. Asymmetry and features in coordination -- 2.3.3. Configurations and agreement in coordinate structures -- 2.3.4. Configurations and (a)symmetry in coordinate structures -- 2.4. Feature matching in derivation -- 2.4.1. CFM within a derivational model -- 2.4.2. On the syntax and semantics of [& -- ] -- 2.4.3. Some semantic issues of coordination and agreement -- 2.4.4. The core relations and their features in coordinate symmetry -- 2.4.5. Independent support for CFM from experiments -- 2.4.6. Deriving coordinate symmetry -- 2.4.7. Feature matching and structural isometricity -- 2.5. Feature matching and configurations -- 2.5.1. Camacho (2000) on syntactic symmetries in coordination -- 2.5.2. An alternate proposal -- 2.5.3. Symmetry and sharing in conjoined clauses -- 2.5.4. Feature matching in certain asymmetric constructions -- 2.5.5. weil+V2: Conjunction-clause and syntax-semantics mismatches -- 2.5.6. Summarizing the mismatches -- 2.6. Symmetry within asymmetry through Select, Copy and Match -- 2.7. Chapter summary and conclusions -- Deriving coordinate structures -- 3.1. Some background -- 3.2. Binary phrase structure, asymmetry and coordination -- 3.3. Coordination in the Spec-head-complement model -- 3.3.1. Move alpha not required in conjunction. , 3.3.2. Unbalanced coordination -- 3.4. Properties of [& -- ] and clausal conjuncts -- 3.4.1. [& -- ] does not project a phrase -- 3.4.2. [& -- ] does not assign or check Case -- 3.4.3. Non-projecting [& -- ] and asymmetric agreement -- 3.4.4. Not all coordinate constructions are CP-based -- 3.5. Conjunction as a pure Merge operation -- 3.5.1. Steps in conjunction -- 3.5.2. Comparing conjunction by pure Merge to other models -- 3.5.3. Solutions available in a phase-based model -- 3.5.4. The role of CFM in a derivational model -- 3.5.5. Feature Matching in conjunction vs. in simplex sentences -- 3.5.6. Selection and sequence issues -- 3.6. An account of breakdown in agreement using a CFM-based derivational model -- 3.6.1. Abstract, morphological and default Case -- 3.6.2. Symmetry and derivational economy -- 3.6.3. Breakdown and prescriptiveness in English -- 3.7. Chapter conclusion -- Deriving coordinate ellipsis -- 4.0. Introduction -- 4.1. Some core properties of and basic assumptions about ellipsis -- 4.1.1. Core properties -- 4.1.2. Parallelism: Its properties, source and role in coordinate ellipsis -- 4.1.3. Coordinate ellipsis, matching and sloppy identity -- 4.1.4. Asymmetry versus coordinate symmetry: Gap or no gap? -- 4.2. Licensing of gaps -- 4.2.1. Williams' proposal and an alternative -- 4.2.2. Licensing locally by a lexical head at the left edge -- 4.2.3. Licensing locally by a prosodic feature at the right edge -- 4.2.4. Licensing by a prosodic feature conjunct-internally -- 4.3. Recovery of gaps by matching in LF -- 4.3.1. Recovery in LEE -- 4.3.2. Recovery in RNR -- 4.3.3. Recovery in Gapping -- 4.4. VPE -- 4.4.1. Binding, not matching -- 4.4.2. Some additional contrasts and a conclusion -- 4.5. Coordinate ellipsis and derivation by phase with Copy and Match -- 4.5.1. Deriving coordinate ellipsis. , 4.5.2. Symmetric ellipsis in non-coordinate structures -- 4.5.3. ATB phenomena and the CSC: Ross's generalization and what it accounts for -- 4.5.4. Comparing the parasitic gap construction to the ATB construction -- 4.6. Chapter summary and conclusion -- Coordinate ellipsis and the structure of West Germanic -- 5.0. Introduction -- 5.1. The left edge and coordinate ellipsis -- 5.1.1. LEE and the left edge in Germanic: Reviewing the data -- 5.1.2. Büring and Hartmann (1998) on left-edge subject gaps -- 5.1.3. Comparing a VPR account of left-edge subject gaps -- 5.1.4. Phase Theory, subject-object asymmetries and LEE -- 5.2. Other types of coordinate ellipsis and the West Germanic CP-domain -- 5.2.1. RNR and subject-object asymmetries -- 5.2.2. Gapping, RNR and subject-object asymmetries -- 5.3. Coordination and a finely-structured CP-domain -- 5.4. Gapping and the structure of the German VP -- 5.5. Chapter conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- References -- Appendix -- Left-Edge Subject Deletion -- Left-Edge Direct-Object Deletion -- Left-Edge Indirect-Object Deletion -- Gapping -- Right-Edge Ellipsis (a.k.a. RNR -- some sentences also have Gapping) -- Note -- Name index -- Subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-3353-5

Language: English

UID:

Format: viii, 476 p.

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 90-272-9063-6

Series Statement: Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, v. 200

Content: This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Introduction by the editors -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Facts to be accounted for by a theory of relative clause extraposition -- 2.1 Construal -- 2.2 Locality -- 2.3 Binding -- 2.4 Further interpretive effects of relative clause extraposition -- 2.5 Generalizations about relative clause extraposition -- 3. Theories of relative clause extraposition -- 3.1 Core movement theories -- 3.2 Theories without core movement -- 4. Summary -- 5. Contributions of the articles in this volume -- Bader, Häussler & -- Schmid -- Strunk & -- Snider -- Walker -- Öztürk -- Geraci & -- Cecchetto -- Chesi -- Kluck & -- de Vries -- Gregoromichelaki -- Crysmann -- Göbbel -- Hartmann -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Part I. Empirical perspective -- Constraints on intra- and extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Infinitival complementation and word order -- 3. Infinitival complementation and hierarchical structure -- 3.1 Center-embedding and how to avoid it -- 3.2 The lexical basis of clause union -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Verb (projection) raising -- 4.1 VPR: Corpus evidence -- 4.2 Experiment 1 -- 4.3 V(P)R: Summary -- 5. The third construction -- 5.1 The third construction: Corpus evidence -- 5.2 Experiment 2 -- 5.3 The third construction: Summary -- 6. Discussion: Constraints on intra- and extraposition -- References -- Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Subclausal locality constraints on extraposition -- 2.1 Subjacency -- 2.2 Generalized Subjacency -- 2.3 Chomsky's Barriers approach -- 3. Counterexamples from corpora -- 3.1 Generalized Subjacency -- 3.2 Subjacency -- 3.3 Barriers approach -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Systematic corpus study -- 5. Experiment 1 -- 5.1 Motivation. , 5.2 Experimental technique -- 5.3 Experimental design -- 5.4 English -- 5.5 German -- 5.6 Discussion -- 6. Experiment 2 -- 6.1 Motivation -- 6.2 Experimental technique -- 6.3 Experimental design -- 6.4 Predictions -- 6.5 Participants -- 6.6 Materials -- 6.7 Results -- 6.8 Discussion -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Constraints on relative clause extraposition in English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Eliciting judgment data -- 3. Restrictions on extraposition -- 3.1 The definiteness restriction -- 3.2 The predicate restriction -- 3.3 The grammatical function of the antecedent NP -- 4. The experiment -- 4.1 Predictions -- 4.2 Method -- 4.3 Results -- 5. Discussion -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Part II. The Minimalist Perspective -- Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur: Is it rightward movement? -- 3. Postverbal constituents in Khalkha -- 4. EPP and specifier projection -- 5. Further evidence: Japanese, Turkish, Uzbek and Kirghiz -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Neglected cases of rightward movement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Rightward movements in sign languages -- 2.1 Wh-phrases on the right -- 2.2 Negative quantifiers on the right -- 2.3 The distribution of non-manual markers -- 3. Why rightward? -- 4. When performance plays a role -- 5. When grammar plays a role -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Rightward movement from a different perspective -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A case of rightward movement: Extraposition (EXT) -- 2.1 What -- 2.2 From where -- 2.3 Where -- 3. Another case of rightward movement: (Heavy) NP-Shift -- 3.1 What -- 3.2 Where and why -- 4. Some of the solutions proposed and their problems -- 4.1 Analysis 1: Classic rightward movement -- 4.2 Analysis 2: Base generation -- 4.3 Analysis 3: A modification based account -- 4.4 Analysis 4: A "mixed" account. , 5. The proposal: Changing the derivational perspective -- 5.1 Deriving phrase structures top-down, from left-to-right -- 5.2 Merge, movement, and phase projection at work: Nesting and the special status of the last selected argument -- 5.3 Right-hand adjuncts -- 5.4 Rightward Quantifier Raising -- 5.5 C-command and pronominal binding in a top-down left-right grammar -- 5.6 Extraposition from a left-right, top-down perspective -- 5.7 Heavy NP-Shift -- 5.8 Remaining issues -- 6. Discussion -- References -- Cumulative rightward processes -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Mutual feeding of rightward processes -- 2.1 Extraposition feeds right node raising -- 2.2 Right node raising feeds extraposition -- 2.3 Additional evidence from English and German -- 3. How to analyze right node raising and extraposition in isolation -- 3.1 Right node raising as multidominance -- 3.2 Extraposition as specifying coordination plus ellipsis -- 4. A syntax of cumulative rightward processes -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives -- A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The phenomena: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Clitic Doubling (CID) -- 2. Sketching a Dynamic Syntax model for Greek -- 2.1 Background -- 2.2 A language to talk about trees: LOFT -- 2.3 Anaphora in DS -- 2.4 The parsing process -- 2.5 Parsing bounded and unbounded dependencies -- 2.6 Parsing clitics in DS -- 2.7 Expletives and Extraposition -- 2.8 Clitic Left Dislocation -- 2.9 Clitic doubling -- 2.10 Quantification in DS and clitic doubling -- 3. Conclusion: clitics and left/right asymmetries in Dynamic Syntax -- Acknowledgements -- References -- On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relative clause vs. complement clause extraposi­tion -- 2.1 Extraposition from adjunct islands. , 2.2 Extraposition from complex NPs -- 2.3 Generalised modification (Kiss, 2005) -- 2.4 Nonlocal complement extraposition (Müller 2004) -- 3. Nonlocal complement extraposition revisited -- 3.1 Adjunct islands -- 3.2 Bridging effects with complex NPs -- Synopsis -- 4. A synthesis -- 4.1 Relative clause extraposition -- 4.2 Complement clause extraposition -- 4.3 Intervention -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective -- Extraposition of defocused and light PPs in English* -- 1. Remarks on extraposition from NP -- 2. On the syntax-phonology correspondence -- 2.1 Derivation by phase and prosodic structure -- 2.2 PF movement -- 3. Extraposition in focus neutral contexts -- 4. Extraposition of defocused PPs -- 5. Extraposition of light PPs -- 5.1 The prosodic representation of light PPs -- 5.2 Rightward movement of light PPs -- 5.3 A prosodic trigger for cliticisation and extraposition -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix: Index of constraints -- Prosodic constraints on extraposition in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Prosodic structure -- 2.1 The prosodic hierarchy -- 2.2 The phonological phrase in German -- 2.3 The intonational phrase in German -- 2.4 Restrictions on P-structure -- 3. Extraposition as an effect of Nonrecursivity -- 3.1 Object clauses strive to the clausal peripheries -- 3.2 Prosodic coordination despite syntactic subordination -- 3.3 No ip-boundary between the matrix and the extraposed clause -- 4. Optional extraposition -- 4.1 Extraction from DP -- 4.2 Adverbial clauses -- 4.3 Subject clauses -- 4.4 Infinitives -- 4.5 Topicalized VPs -- 5. Extraposition and Exhaustivity -- 5.1 Theoretical assumptions -- 5.2 Empirical consequences -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Index. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-5583-0

Additional Edition: ISBN 1-299-71174-X

Language: English

UID:

Format: viii, 476 p.

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 90-272-9063-6

Series Statement: Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, v. 200

Content: This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Introduction by the editors -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Facts to be accounted for by a theory of relative clause extraposition -- 2.1 Construal -- 2.2 Locality -- 2.3 Binding -- 2.4 Further interpretive effects of relative clause extraposition -- 2.5 Generalizations about relative clause extraposition -- 3. Theories of relative clause extraposition -- 3.1 Core movement theories -- 3.2 Theories without core movement -- 4. Summary -- 5. Contributions of the articles in this volume -- Bader, Häussler & -- Schmid -- Strunk & -- Snider -- Walker -- Öztürk -- Geraci & -- Cecchetto -- Chesi -- Kluck & -- de Vries -- Gregoromichelaki -- Crysmann -- Göbbel -- Hartmann -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Part I. Empirical perspective -- Constraints on intra- and extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Infinitival complementation and word order -- 3. Infinitival complementation and hierarchical structure -- 3.1 Center-embedding and how to avoid it -- 3.2 The lexical basis of clause union -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Verb (projection) raising -- 4.1 VPR: Corpus evidence -- 4.2 Experiment 1 -- 4.3 V(P)R: Summary -- 5. The third construction -- 5.1 The third construction: Corpus evidence -- 5.2 Experiment 2 -- 5.3 The third construction: Summary -- 6. Discussion: Constraints on intra- and extraposition -- References -- Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Subclausal locality constraints on extraposition -- 2.1 Subjacency -- 2.2 Generalized Subjacency -- 2.3 Chomsky's Barriers approach -- 3. Counterexamples from corpora -- 3.1 Generalized Subjacency -- 3.2 Subjacency -- 3.3 Barriers approach -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Systematic corpus study -- 5. Experiment 1 -- 5.1 Motivation. , 5.2 Experimental technique -- 5.3 Experimental design -- 5.4 English -- 5.5 German -- 5.6 Discussion -- 6. Experiment 2 -- 6.1 Motivation -- 6.2 Experimental technique -- 6.3 Experimental design -- 6.4 Predictions -- 6.5 Participants -- 6.6 Materials -- 6.7 Results -- 6.8 Discussion -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Constraints on relative clause extraposition in English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Eliciting judgment data -- 3. Restrictions on extraposition -- 3.1 The definiteness restriction -- 3.2 The predicate restriction -- 3.3 The grammatical function of the antecedent NP -- 4. The experiment -- 4.1 Predictions -- 4.2 Method -- 4.3 Results -- 5. Discussion -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Part II. The Minimalist Perspective -- Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur: Is it rightward movement? -- 3. Postverbal constituents in Khalkha -- 4. EPP and specifier projection -- 5. Further evidence: Japanese, Turkish, Uzbek and Kirghiz -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Neglected cases of rightward movement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Rightward movements in sign languages -- 2.1 Wh-phrases on the right -- 2.2 Negative quantifiers on the right -- 2.3 The distribution of non-manual markers -- 3. Why rightward? -- 4. When performance plays a role -- 5. When grammar plays a role -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Rightward movement from a different perspective -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A case of rightward movement: Extraposition (EXT) -- 2.1 What -- 2.2 From where -- 2.3 Where -- 3. Another case of rightward movement: (Heavy) NP-Shift -- 3.1 What -- 3.2 Where and why -- 4. Some of the solutions proposed and their problems -- 4.1 Analysis 1: Classic rightward movement -- 4.2 Analysis 2: Base generation -- 4.3 Analysis 3: A modification based account -- 4.4 Analysis 4: A "mixed" account. , 5. The proposal: Changing the derivational perspective -- 5.1 Deriving phrase structures top-down, from left-to-right -- 5.2 Merge, movement, and phase projection at work: Nesting and the special status of the last selected argument -- 5.3 Right-hand adjuncts -- 5.4 Rightward Quantifier Raising -- 5.5 C-command and pronominal binding in a top-down left-right grammar -- 5.6 Extraposition from a left-right, top-down perspective -- 5.7 Heavy NP-Shift -- 5.8 Remaining issues -- 6. Discussion -- References -- Cumulative rightward processes -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Mutual feeding of rightward processes -- 2.1 Extraposition feeds right node raising -- 2.2 Right node raising feeds extraposition -- 2.3 Additional evidence from English and German -- 3. How to analyze right node raising and extraposition in isolation -- 3.1 Right node raising as multidominance -- 3.2 Extraposition as specifying coordination plus ellipsis -- 4. A syntax of cumulative rightward processes -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives -- A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The phenomena: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Clitic Doubling (CID) -- 2. Sketching a Dynamic Syntax model for Greek -- 2.1 Background -- 2.2 A language to talk about trees: LOFT -- 2.3 Anaphora in DS -- 2.4 The parsing process -- 2.5 Parsing bounded and unbounded dependencies -- 2.6 Parsing clitics in DS -- 2.7 Expletives and Extraposition -- 2.8 Clitic Left Dislocation -- 2.9 Clitic doubling -- 2.10 Quantification in DS and clitic doubling -- 3. Conclusion: clitics and left/right asymmetries in Dynamic Syntax -- Acknowledgements -- References -- On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relative clause vs. complement clause extraposi­tion -- 2.1 Extraposition from adjunct islands. , 2.2 Extraposition from complex NPs -- 2.3 Generalised modification (Kiss, 2005) -- 2.4 Nonlocal complement extraposition (Müller 2004) -- 3. Nonlocal complement extraposition revisited -- 3.1 Adjunct islands -- 3.2 Bridging effects with complex NPs -- Synopsis -- 4. A synthesis -- 4.1 Relative clause extraposition -- 4.2 Complement clause extraposition -- 4.3 Intervention -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective -- Extraposition of defocused and light PPs in English* -- 1. Remarks on extraposition from NP -- 2. On the syntax-phonology correspondence -- 2.1 Derivation by phase and prosodic structure -- 2.2 PF movement -- 3. Extraposition in focus neutral contexts -- 4. Extraposition of defocused PPs -- 5. Extraposition of light PPs -- 5.1 The prosodic representation of light PPs -- 5.2 Rightward movement of light PPs -- 5.3 A prosodic trigger for cliticisation and extraposition -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix: Index of constraints -- Prosodic constraints on extraposition in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Prosodic structure -- 2.1 The prosodic hierarchy -- 2.2 The phonological phrase in German -- 2.3 The intonational phrase in German -- 2.4 Restrictions on P-structure -- 3. Extraposition as an effect of Nonrecursivity -- 3.1 Object clauses strive to the clausal peripheries -- 3.2 Prosodic coordination despite syntactic subordination -- 3.3 No ip-boundary between the matrix and the extraposed clause -- 4. Optional extraposition -- 4.1 Extraction from DP -- 4.2 Adverbial clauses -- 4.3 Subject clauses -- 4.4 Infinitives -- 4.5 Topicalized VPs -- 5. Extraposition and Exhaustivity -- 5.1 Theoretical assumptions -- 5.2 Empirical consequences -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Index. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-5583-0

Additional Edition: ISBN 1-299-71174-X

Language: English