Kooperativer Bibliotheksverbund

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Format: 1 online resource (vi, 514 pages)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-16051-6 , 9786612160516 , 90-272-9559-X

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell, v. 69

Content: Many languages have constructions in which verbs cluster. But few languages have verb clusters as rich and complex as Continental West Germanic and Hungarian. Furthermore the precise ordering properties and the variation in the cluster patterns are remarkably similar in Hungarian and Germanic. This similarity is, of course, unexpected since Hungarian is not an Indo-European language like the Germanic language group. Instead it appears that the clustering, inversion and roll-up patterns found may constitute an areal feature. This book presents the relevant language data in considerable detail, taking into account also the variation observed, for example, among dialects. But it also discusses the various analytical approaches that can be brought to bear on this set of phenomena. In particular, there are various hypotheses as to what is the underlying driving force behind cluster formation: stress patterns, aspectual features, morpho- syntactic constraints? And the analytical approaches are closely linked to a number of questions that are at the core of current syntactic theorizing: does head movement exist or should all apparent verb displacement be reduced to remnant movement, are morphology and syntax really just different sides of the same coin?

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Verb Clusters -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC page -- Table of contents -- Verb clusters -- 1. Opening remarks -- 2. Some properties of verb clusters: The view from Germanic -- 2.1. Is there a cluster? -- 2.2. Adjacency -- 2.3. Partial movement and nominalization -- 2.4. Clause union and transparency phenomena -- 2.5. Morphological properties -- 2.6. Trigger verbs -- 2.7. Ordering within a verb cluster -- 2.8. Approaches to the analysis of verb clusters in Germanic -- 3. The view from Hungarian -- 3.1. Is there a cluster? Three types of infinitival constructions -- 3.2. The verbs that cluster -- 3.3. Analyzing verb clusters -- 4. Outlook -- Acknowledgements -- References -- West Germanic verb clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. West Germanic verb clusters -- 2.1. The distribution of two-verb clusters -- 2.2. The distribution of three-verb clusters -- 3. Questionnaire-based study of German verb clusters3 -- 3.1. Outline of the questionnaire -- 3.2. Goal and scope of the questionnaire -- 3.3. Consultants -- 3.4. Summary of results -- 4. Empirical generalizations -- 4.1. What are verb cluster languages? -- 4.2. Generalizations of the inversion patterns -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- A. Data and inversion patterns -- B. Questionnaire -- C. Other statistical results -- Hungarian verbal clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Roll-up -- 3. Particle climbing -- 4. Látszik `seem' - a stress-avoiding verb that does not trigger particle climbing -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- I SURVEY 1 -- 3 Question 3 -- II SURVEY 2 -- III THE QUESTIONNAIRES -- Clustering theories* -- 1. Verb clusters -- 2. Headedness and constituency -- 2.1. Extended headedness -- 2.2. Inheritance versus reanalysis -- 2.3. Why OV? -- 2.4. Limits of extended headedness -- 3. Movement and antisymmetry -- 4. The Hungarian connection. , 4.1. Preverbs and particles -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- ``Roll-up'' structures and morphological words* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adverbials on the right -- 3. V-raising in Hungarian -- Notes -- References -- The structure of clusters -- 1. Modeling inflection -- 1.1. The language CAT -- 1.2. Inflectional systems as an instantiation of CAT -- 1.3. Some inflectional systems -- 1.4. Verb (Projection) Raising as an instance of CAT -- 2. The Hungarian verbal system -- 2.1. The verbal system without VMs -- 2.2. The verbal system with VMs -- 2.3. Is roll-up really lexical? -- Notes -- References -- A stress-based approach to climbing* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Stress in Hungarian -- 3. Stress-driven focus movement -- 4. Particle climbing in a stress-based approach -- 5. Climbing: Syntactic XP-movement -- 6. Cross-linguistic comparison: The Basque particle ba -- 7. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Particles and phonologically defective predicates* -- 1. Phrasal and head particles in Dutch -- 2. Light and heavy verbal modifiers in Hungarian -- 3. Pred verbs with a designated argument in focus? -- 4. Pred verbs with a designated argument in PredP? -- 4.1. Identifying Pred verbs -- 4.2. Summary -- 5. Stress avoiding verbs and verbal modifiers -- 5.1. Verbal modifiers with Pred verbs -- 5.2. Pred verbs are auxiliary-like -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Climbing for aspect -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Connection between verb clusters and aspect in Hungarian -- 1.2. A theory of aspect in Hungarian based on ``climbing aspectualizers'' -- 2. Aspectual Projection -- 2.1. AspP and/or Referentiality Constraint? -- 2.2. What will make a good aspectualizer? -- 2.3. The aspectualizer of akar `want' and utál `hate' -- 3. The structure of verb clusters -- 3.1. ``Climbing'' preverb in neutral sentences. , 3.2. ``Full roll-up'' in focused sentences -- 3.3. FInfP aspectualizers -- 4. Competing computations -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- The Hungarian verbal complex -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 2.1. The linguistic data -- 2.2. The dual behavior of VMs -- I Evidence for a head analysis -- II Evidence for a phrase analysis -- 3. Basic assumptions -- 4. Inverted order verbal complexes -- 4.1. The Syntactic Light Verb Constraint -- 4.2. The Complex Head Constraint -- 5. Verbal complexes with VM climbing -- 5.1. The VM and the auxiliary: Long VM movement -- 5.2. The VM and the lexical verb: Short VM movement -- 6. Verb typology based on the aspectual feature -- 6.1. Auxiliaries are aspectually defective -- 6.2. Stative verbs -- 7. Further issues -- 7.1. The problems of the dual analysis revisited -- 7.2. Auxiliaries and light verbs -- 8. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Parallel strategies of verbal complex formation in Hungarian and West-Germanic? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries: The minimal verbal complex in Hungarian -- 3. The straight order extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 4. The Dutch/West Flemish/Swiss German verbal complex -- 5. The inverse order variant of the extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 6. The German verbal complex -- 7. Deriving the word order of West Germanic verbal complexes -- 8. Can the West-Germanic and the Hungarian verbal complexes be derived in parallel ways? -- Notes -- References -- Do preverbs climb?* -- 1. The problem -- 2. Some parallels between Hungarian and Dutch verb raising -- 2.1. Only in restructuring contexts -- 2.2. No PVC across another PV -- 2.3. PVC from an intermediate verb -- 2.4. Adjacency of the climbed PV and the highest Aux -- 2.5. No coordination below a climbed PV -- 2.6. A difference with Dutch: PVC across an intervening complementizer. , 3. Interaction of VR and V-to-F movement -- 4. Scrambling into the verbal cluster, inversion, and reanalysis -- 5. On the internal order of the Hungarian verb cluster -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Verbal complexes and morphosyntactic merger* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Inflectional affixation in Hungarian -- 2.1. Scope effects -- 2.2. On-line morphology: One word form, two syntactic structures -- 3. The failure of phrasal movement analyses -- 4. Extending M-merger to ``roll-up'' V-clusters in Hungarian -- 5. Adverbs and roll-up clusters -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Infinitival complements of modals in Hungarian and in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 2.1. Modals and inflected infinitives -- 2.2. Impersonal/personal passive constructions -- 2.3. Modals compared with raising and control predicates -- 2.4. Weather verbs under modals -- 3. Raising versus control: vP and CP complements -- 3.1. Problems with proexpl -- 3.2. A split between finite and infinitival clauses -- 4. Modals and restructuring -- 5. Inflected infinitives and modals -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Agreement and `clause union'* -- 1. The theoretical claims to be defended -- 2. Notes on Hungarian agreement -- 3. Four `clause union' constructions -- 4. Class IV: hagy permissive-causatives -- 4.1. Preverb placement -- 4.2. Definiteness agreement -- 4.3. Person agreement -- 4.4. `Passive infinitives' and the v/AgrO debate -- 4.5. Summary -- 5. On Hungarian object clitics -- 5.1. Person split and the representation of first and second person pronoun phrases -- 5.2. Definiteness, Case and first/second person objects -- 5.3. Order -- 6. Class III: -tat/-tet causatives -- 7. Class II: come/go constructions -- 8. Class I: Auxiliary constructions -- 9. `Clause union' -- 10. Long A'-movement, agreement and Case -- 10.1. Extraction from the embedded clause. , 10.2. The accusative-marked subject is accusative from the start -- 10.3. That-trace avoidance, the Italian way -- 10.4. Clitic and feature movement from SpecCP -- 10.5. Attraction and economy -- 10.6. The Inverse Case Filter -- 10.7. Some consequences -- 11. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- Names index -- Subject index -- List of contributors -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 1-58811-507-0

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-2793-4

Language: English