Kooperativer Bibliotheksverbund

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Format: 1 online resource (xii, 558 pages) : , digital, PDF file(s).

ISBN: 1-139-16670-0

Series Statement: Cambridge textbooks in linguistics

Content: Andrew Radford's textbook is written for students with little or no background in syntax, and introduces them to key concepts of Chomsky's minimalist programme (e.g. merger and movement, checking, economy and greed, split VPs, agreement projections), as well as providing detailed analysis of the syntax of a range of different construction types (e.g. interrogatives, negatives, passives, unaccusatives, complement clauses). Illustrative material is drawn from varieties of English (Standard English, Belfast English, Shakespearean English, Jamaican Creole and Child English). There is a substantial glossary and an extensive integral workbook section at the end of each chapter with helpful hints and model answers, which aim to get students to analyse phrases and sentences for themselves within a minimalist framework.

Note: Title from publisher's bibliographic system (viewed on 05 Oct 2015). , Cover -- Half-title -- Series-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Principles and parameters -- 1.1 Overview -- 1.2 Grammar -- 1.3 Criteria of adequacy -- 1.4 Language faculty -- 1.5 Creativity -- 1.6 Principles -- 1.7 Parameters -- 1.8 Parameter-setting -- 1.9 Evidence -- 1.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Categories and features -- 2.1 Overview -- 2.2 Morphological evidence -- 2.3 Syntactic evidence -- 2.4 Functional categories: determiners and pronouns -- 2.5 Auxiliaries and infinitival to -- 2.6 Complementizers -- 2.7 Parsing -- 2.8 Subcategorial features -- 2.9 Cross-categorial features -- 2.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Syntactic structure -- 3.1 Overview -- 3.2 Forming phrases -- 3.3 Specifiers -- 3.4 Forming sentences -- 3.5 Tree diagrams -- 3.6 Configurational relations -- 3.7 Testing structure -- 3.8 Additional tests -- 3.9 C-command -- 3.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Empty categories -- 4.1 Overview -- 4.2 PRO subjects -- 4.3 Null auxiliaries -- 4.4 Unfilled INFL -- 4.5 Bare infinitives -- 4.6 Null complementizers -- 4.7 Null determiners -- 4.8 Pronouns -- 4.9 Attributive adjectives -- 4.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Checking -- 5.1 Overview -- 5.2 Interpretable and uninterpretable features -- 5.3 Checking -- 5.4 Phrases -- 5.5 Percolation -- 5.6 Determiner phrases -- 5.7 PRO subjects -- 5.8 Objective subjects -- 5.9 Bare phrase structure -- 5.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Head movement -- 6.1 Overview -- 6.2 Auxiliary inversion -- 6.3 Traces -- 6.4 Verb movement -- 6.5 Strong and weak features -- 6.6 Negation -- 6.7 The syntax of have -- 6.8 Tense affix -- 6.9 Question affix -- 6.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Operator movement -- 7.1 Overview -- 7.2 Wh-operators -- 7.3 Enlightened self-interest and shortest movement -- 7.4 Pied-piping -- 7.5 Embedded questions in Belfast English. , 7.6 Embedded questions in Standard English -- 7.7 Subject questions -- 7.8 Yes-no questions -- 7.9 Nonoperator questions -- 7.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- A movement -- 8.1 Overview -- 8.2 VP-internal subject hypothesis -- 8.3 Evidence that subjects originate in spec-VP -- 8.4 Argument structure and theta-marking -- 8.5 Case-checking via head-adjunction and attraction -- 8.6 Raising predicates -- 8.7 Differences between raising and control predicates -- 8.8 Passivization -- 8.9 Explanation -- 8.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- VP shells -- 9.1 Overview -- 9.2 Ergative predicates -- 9.3 Adverbs and prepositional particles -- 9.4 Ditransitive and resultative predicates -- 9.5 Three-place predicates with clausal complements -- 9.6 Object-control predicates -- 9.7 Monotransitive predicates -- 9.8 Unergative predicates -- 9.9 Unaccusative predicates -- 9.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Agreement projections -- 10.1 Overview -- 10.2 Subject agreement projections -- 10.3 Evidence from other varieties of English -- 10.4 Object agreement projections -- 10.5 Exceptional case-marking -- 10.6 Indirect object agreement projections -- 10.7 Genitive DPs -- 10.8 For-infinitives and prepositional objects -- 10.9 Passives and unaccusatives reconsidered -- 10.10 Summary -- Workbook section -- Glossary and list of abbreviations -- References -- Index.

Additional Edition: ISBN 0-521-47707-7

Additional Edition: ISBN 0-521-47125-7

Language: English

URL: Volltext  (lizenzpflichtig)

URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139166706

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Format: 1 online resource (544 pages).

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 90-272-6302-7

Series Statement: Typological Studies in Language ; Volume 123

Note: Intro -- Argument Selectors -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Table of contents -- Argument selectors: A new perspective on grammatical relationsAn introduction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammatical relations: A brief history of research -- 3. Arguments -- 3.1 Arguments vs. adjuncts -- 3.2 Generalized semantic roles -- 3.3 Predicate classes -- 3.4 Referential specifications of arguments -- 4. Clause-level conditions -- 5. Argument selectors -- 5.1 Argument marking -- 5.2 Phrase structure -- 5.3 Biclausal argument selectors -- 5.3.1 Argument selectors with control and raising verbs -- 5.3.2 Argument selectors with other types of clause combining -- 5.3.3 Relativization site as an argument selector -- 5.4 Diathesis alternation -- 5.5 Other argument selectors -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix: Questionnaire -- Grammatical relations in Mapudungun -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Argument selectors -- 2.1 Dependent marking -- 2.2 Head marking -- 2.3 Word order -- 2.4 Some potential argument selectors -- 2.5 Addressees of imperatives -- 2.6 Nonfinite verb forms -- 2.6.1 Am- and üm-forms -- 2.6.2 N-, el, and etew-forms -- 2.6.3 Lu-forms -- 2.6.4 Summary -- 2.7 Raising and control -- 3. Summary and discussion -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Data sources -- References -- Grammatical relations in Sanzhi Dargwa -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Sanzhi Dargwa -- 1.2 The argument/adjunct distinction -- 1.3 Predicate classes and valency -- 2. Previous studies on grammatical relations in the Nakh-Daghestanian languages -- 2. Previous studies on grammatical relations in the Nakh-Daghestanian languages -- 3. Head marking: Agreement -- 3.1 Gender/number agreement -- 3.2 Person agreement -- 4. Dependent marking: Case -- 5. Imperatives -- 6. Conjunction reduction -- 7. Complement control -- 8. Reflexives and reciprocals. , 8.1 Reflexive constructions -- 8.2 Reciprocal constructions -- 9. Causativization -- 10. Relativization -- 11. Antipassive -- 12. Quantifier floating -- 13. Summary -- Abbreviations -- References -- Grammatical relations in Mon: Syntactic tests in an isolating language -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Transitivity in Mon: Syntactic and semantic -- 2.1 Intransitive expressions -- 2.2 Transitive expressions -- 2.3 Ditransitive expressions -- 2.4 Semantic transitivity -- 3. Argument selectors in Mon -- 3.1 Word order -- 3.2 Case marking -- 3.3 Voice -- 3.3.1 Passive -- 3.3.2 Causative -- 3.4 Secondary verbs -- 3.5 Control -- 3.6 Reflexives -- 3.7 Purposive clauses -- 3.8 Not relevant in Mon -- 4. Conclusions -- Sources -- Abbreviations -- References -- Grammatical relations in Hiligaynon -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Clause structure -- 2.1 Arguments -- 2.2 Adjuncts -- 2.3 Predicates -- 2.3.1 Zero transitives -- 2.3.2 Intransitives -- 2.3.3 Transitives -- 3. Argument structure alternations -- 3.1 Intransitivizers -- 3.2 Transitivizers -- 3.2.1 Basic transitivers -- 3.2.2 Instrumental transitivizers -- 3.2.3 Locative transitivizers -- 3.2.4 Causatives -- 3.3 Reflexives and reciprocals -- 3.4 The status of voice morphology -- 4. Grammatical relations in use -- 4.1 Referent properties: Animacy, identifiability, and specificity -- 4.2 Information flow through discourse: Topicality -- 4.3 Information flow: Topic shifts -- 4.4 Information flow: Focus -- 5. Syntactic constructions -- 5.1 Imperatives -- 5.2 Quantifiers -- 5.3 Conjunction reduction -- 5.4 Nominalization -- 5.5 Content questions -- 5.6 Relativization -- 5.7 Secondary-predicate constructions -- 5.8 Complement constructions -- 5.8.1 Syntactic status of the complement -- 5.8.2 Controller S = (Controllee S) -- 5.8.3 Controller P = (Controllee S) -- 5.8.4 Controller P = (Controllee A). , 5.8.5 Controller S = (Controllee A) -- 5.8.6 Controller A = (Controllee S) -- 5.8.7 Controller A = (Controllee A) -- 5.8.8 The complement -- 5.8.9 Complement constructions: Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Grammatical relations in Basque -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overt coding selectors -- 2.1 Dependent marking -- 2.2 Head marking -- 3. Behavioral selectors involving coreference -- 3.1 Adverbial clauses -- 3.2 Control and raising -- Control -- Raising -- 4. Other behavioral selectors -- 4.1 Relativization site -- 4.2 Focus constructions -- 4.3 Addressee of imperatives -- 4.4 Voice -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- References -- Appendix. Selected Basque auxiliary forms -- Grammatical relations in Movima: Alignment beyond semantic roles -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The basic clause and its components -- 2.1 The direct-inverse system -- 2.2 Formal properties of argument encoding -- 2.3 Obliques: Adjuncts or oblique arguments? -- 2.4 Argument encoding in embedded clauses -- 3. Argument selectors privileging the external argument -- 3.1 Headed relative clauses, detransitivization, and negation -- 3.2 Verbal RPs -- 3.3 Pronoun fronting -- 3.4 Wh-questions -- 3.5 Oblique arguments? Evidence from relativization -- 3.5.1 Relativization of non-core arguments -- 3.5.2 Relativization of applied arguments -- 3.6 Fronted demonstratives -- 3.7 Argument incorporation -- 4. Argument selection based on semantic role -- 4.1 Possessor ascension -- 4.2 Imperatives -- 5. "Neutral" constructions -- 5.1 Reflexives -- 5.2 Coordination -- 5.3 Embedding -- 5.4 Floating quantifiers -- 6. Conclusion -- Symbols and abbreviations in glosses -- References -- Grammatical relations in Balinese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammatical relations and classes of arguments -- 3. Pivot and its selectors in Balinese -- 3.1 Structural position -- 3.2 Voice marking. , 3.3 Behavioural properties -- 4. Core arguments -- 4.1 Argument flagging -- 4.2 Structural rigidity -- 4.3 Quantifier float -- 4.4 Left dislocation -- 4.5 Depictive predicates -- 4.6 Reflexives -- 4.7 Argument elision in imperatives -- 5. Obliques -- 6. Three-place predicates -- 7. Adjuncts -- 8. Clausal arguments -- 9. Adverbial clauses -- 9.1 Adverbial clause marking -- 9.2 Anaphoric control of the adverbial argument -- 10. Conclusion -- References -- Grammatical relations in Mandinka -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Verbal predication in Mandinka -- 2.1 Core terms and obliques -- 2.2 Verbal predication with two core terms -- 2.3 Verbal predication with a single core term -- 2.4 Transitivity alternations, or null core terms? -- 2.5 The middle variant of the verbal predicative construction with two core terms -- 2.5 The middle variant of the verbal predicative construction with two core terms -- 3. Valency classes and alignment in the coding properties or arguments -- 3.1 Monovalent verbs -- 3.2 Bivalent verbs -- 3.3 Trivalent verbs -- 3.4 Alignment in argument coding -- 4. Valency alternations -- 4.1 Uncoded valency alternations -- 4.1.1 C2 ~ C alternation -- 4.1.2 C2 ~ X alternation -- 4.1.3 The active/introversive alternation -- 4.1.4 The C2 ~ X permutation -- 4.1.5 Alternations involving the middle construction -- 4.1.6 The C ~ X alternation (or presentational alternation) -- 4.2 Valency operations involving a change in the verb stem -- 4.2.1 Antipassive derivation and the antipassive periphrasis -- 4.2.2 Causative derivation -- 4.2.3 Postposition incorporation -- 4.3 Conclusion of Section 4 -- 5. Constructions and operations for which the distinction between C, C1, C2, and X is not relevant -- 5. Constructions and operations for which the distinction between C, C1, C2, and X is not relevant -- 5.1 Topicalization -- 5.2 Focalization -- 5.3 Wh-questions. , 5.4 Relativization (1) -- 6. Secondary predication as a construction in which core terms contrast with obliques, but core terms are all treated in the same way -- 7. Constructions and operations in which C/C1 contrasts with C2 -- 7.1 Imperative clauses -- 7.2 Reflexivization and reciprocalization -- 7.3 Infinitival constructions and coreference in clause coordination -- 7.4 Relativization (2) -- 7.5 Nominalization -- 7.6 Gerundive incorporation -- 7.7 Discourse particles -- 8. Constructions and operations in which C/C2 contrasts with C1 -- 8.1 The resultative participle -- 8.2 Similative incorporation -- 9. Constructions and operations with a tripartite treatment of C, C1 and C2 -- 9. Constructions and operations with a tripartite treatment of C, C1 and C2 -- 10. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Grammatical relations in Telkepe Neo-Aramaic: Grammatical relations in Telkepe Neo-Aramaic -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Telkepe Neo-Aramaic -- 1.2 The Telkepe verbal system -- 1.3 The argument-adjunct continuum -- 2. Indexes of participants on verbs -- 2.1 Indexes on simplex verbs -- 2.2 Indexes on analytical verb forms -- 3. Predicate types -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Intransitive predicates -- 3.2.1 One-place intransitive predicates with subject indexing -- 3.2.2 Intransitives with a referential but non-indexed sole argument -- 3.2.3 Two-place intransitive predicates with second argument indexed -- 3.2.4 Two-place intransitive verbs with non-indexed independent complement -- 3.2.5 Copulaic expressions -- 3.2.6 Intransitive predicates with non-referential subjects -- 3.3 Transitive verbs -- 3.3.1 Two-place transitive verbs with indexed object -- 3.3.2 Excursus on development of inversion -- 3.3.3 Two-place transitive verbs with an object NP -- 3.3.4 Transitive verbs with covert object. , 3.3.5 Three-place transitive verbs with argument indexed by B-suffix.

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-0202-8

Language: English

Subjects: Comparative Studies. Non-European Languages/Literatures

Keywords: Aufsatzsammlung ; Electronic books.

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URL: https://www.jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027263025

URL: lizenzpflichtig

URL: Inhaltsverzeichnis

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Format: 1 online resource (xv, 334 pages) : , digital, PDF file(s).

ISBN: 9781139093521 (ebook)

Series Statement: Cambridge textbooks in linguistics

Content: In syntactic analysis, as in linguistics generally, the skills required to first identify, and then make sense of, complex patterns in linguistic data involve a certain specific kind of reasoning, where various alternatives are entertained and modified in light of progressively broader empirical coverage. Rather than focus on transmitting the details of complex theoretical superstructures, this textbook takes a practical, analytical approach, starting from a small set of powerful analytic tools, applied first to simple phenomena and then to the passive, complement and raising/control constructions. The analytic tools are then applied to unbounded dependencies, via detailed argumentation. What emerges is that syntactic structure, and intricate networks of dependencies linking different parts of those structures, are straightforward projections of lexical valence, in tandem with very general rules regulating the sharing of feature values. Featuring integrated exercises and problems throughout each chapter, this book equips students with the analytical tools for recognizing and assessing linguistic patterns.

Note: Title from publisher's bibliographic system (viewed on 29 May 2018). , Machine generated contents note: 1. Syntactic data, patterns and structure; 2. Syntactic rules and lexical valence; 3. The auxiliary dependency; 4. Local dependencies and lexical rules; 5. Infinitival complements; 6. The limits of valence: topicalization.

Additional Edition: Print version: ISBN 9781107018884

Language: English

URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781139093521

URL: lizenzpflichtig

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Format: 1 online resource (415 pages)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 0-19-103568-8

Content: This book is an advanced student's grammar of French that integrates traditional grammar with knowledge and insights from modern linguistics. It assumes some prior knowledge of French grammar but is designed to be accessible to those with no background in linguistics.

Note: Cover -- The Structure of Modern Standard French: A Student Grammar -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface and acknowledgements -- Nature and scope of the book -- Structure and use of the book -- Added value -- Acknowledgements -- List of abbreviations -- Symbols -- Grammatical functions -- Linguistic forms -- Semantic concepts -- Part I: Understanding French Sentence Structure -- 1: Simple sentences and their basic constituents -- 1.1 The notion of grammatical structure -- 1.2 Central grammatical constituents of simple sentences -- 1.2.1 The predicator -- 1.2.1.1 Valency -- 1.2.2 The subject -- 1.2.3 The complements -- 1.2.3.1 The subject attribute -- 1.2.3.2 The direct object -- 1.2.3.3 The measure complement -- 1.2.3.4 The prepositional object -- 1.2.3.5 The dative object -- 1.2.3.6 Prepositional objects vs dative objects -- 1.2.3.7 The locative object -- 1.2.3.8 The object attribute -- 1.2.3.9 Structures with two complements -- 1.2.3.10 One verb-more than one valency pattern -- 1.2.4 Adverbials -- 1.3 Conclusion -- 2: The internal structure of clause constituents -- 2.1 The distinction between function and form in language -- 2.2 Word classes in French -- 2.2.1 Verbs -- 2.2.2 Nominals -- 2.2.3 Particles -- 2.3 Hierarchically structured phrase types -- 2.3.1 Compound verbs -- 2.3.2 Noun phrases -- 2.3.3 Adjective phrases -- 2.3.4 Adverb phrases -- 2.3.5 Pronominal phrases -- 2.4 Non-hierarchically structured phrases -- 2.4.1 Prepositional phrases -- 2.5 Relations of coordination -- 2.6 Tests for determining the nature and extension of a given phrase and its syntactic function -- 2.6.1 Substitution -- 2.6.2 Elimination -- 2.6.3 Coordination -- 2.6.4 Insertion and movement -- 2.6.5 Blocking -- 2.6.6 Agreement -- 2.7 Conclusion -- 3: Complex sentence structures -- 3.1 Grammatical and `logical´ elements -- 3.1.1 Passive clauses. , 3.1.2 Anticipatory and postponed subjects -- 3.2 Subordinate clauses and reduced clauses -- 3.2.1 Subordination in grammar -- 3.2.1.1 Subordinate clauses vs coordinated clauses -- 3.2.2 Non-finite clauses -- 3.2.3 Absolute constructions -- 3.2.4 Free indirect attributes and appositions -- 3.2.4.1 Free indirect attributes -- 3.2.4.2 Appositions -- 3.3 Conclusion -- 4: Subordinate clauses -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Types of subordinate clauses -- 4.2.1 Nominal clauses -- 4.2.1.1 Complement clauses -- 4.2.1.2 Indirect interrogative clauses -- Yes/no interrogatives -- WH-interrogatives -- 4.2.1.3 Free relative clauses -- 4.2.2 Adjectival clauses -- 4.2.2.1 Restrictive relative clauses -- 4.2.2.2 Non-restrictive relative clauses -- Sentential relative clauses -- 4.2.2.3 Predicative relative clauses -- 4.2.3 Adverbial clauses -- 4.2.3.1 Conjunctions introducing adverbial clauses -- 4.2.3.2 Subtypes of adverbial clauses -- Temporal clauses -- Causal clauses -- Conditional clauses -- Concessive clauses -- Purpose clauses -- Result clauses -- Comparison clauses -- Modal clauses -- 4.3 Conclusion -- Part II: The Grammar of French Verbs -- 5: Finite verb forms: Mood -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 The indicative -- 5.3 The imperative -- 5.4 The subjunctive -- 5.4.1 The subjunctive in independent clauses -- 5.4.2 The subjunctive in nominal clauses -- 5.4.2.1 Preposed complement clauses -- 5.4.2.2 Complement clauses as postponed subjects -- Expressions of volition or desire -- Expressions of subjective evaluation -- 5.4.2.3 Complement clauses as direct objects or as complements of prepositions -- Expressions of volition or desire -- Expressions of subjective evaluation -- Expressions of doubt or denial -- Verbs of saying or opinion -- Verbs of ambiguous modality -- 5.4.2.4 Complement clauses as subject attributes -- The subject is an expression of volition or desire. , The subject expresses a subjective evaluation -- 5.4.3 The subjunctive in adjectival clauses -- 5.4.3.1 Restrictive relative clauses -- Indefinite antecedent -- Antecedent in the superlative -- 5.4.4 The subjunctive in adverbial clauses -- 5.4.4.1 Temporal clauses -- 5.4.4.2 Causal clauses -- 5.4.4.3 Conditional clauses -- 5.4.4.4 Concessive clauses -- 5.4.4.5 Purpose clauses -- 5.4.4.6 Result clauses -- 5.4.4.7 Comparison clauses -- 5.4.4.8 Modal clauses -- 5.4.5 Use of the indicative where the subjunctive would be expected -- 6: Finite verb forms: Tense -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.1.1 Tense as a deictic category -- 6.2 Primary tenses -- 6.2.1 The present tense -- 6.2.1.1 The inclusive use of the présent -- 6.2.2 The past tenses -- 6.2.3 The simple future tense -- 6.2.3.1 Modal uses of the futur simple -- 6.3 Secondary tenses -- 6.3.1 The present perfect -- 6.3.2 The past perfect -- 6.3.3 The compound future tense -- 6.3.4 The future perfect -- 6.3.4.1 Modal use of the futur antérieur -- 6.3.5 The future in the past tense -- 6.3.5.1 Modal uses of the conditionnel -- 6.3.6 The future perfect in the past -- 6.3.6.1 Modal uses of the conditionnel passé -- 6.4 Tense in conditionals -- 6.4.1 Real conditionals -- 6.4.2 Potential conditionals -- 6.4.3 Unreal (or counterfactual) conditionals -- 6.4.4 Tense use after au cas où, pour le cas où, dans le cas où -- 6.5 Tense in (free) indirect speech and thought -- 7: Finite verb forms: Aspect -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Mode of action -- 7.3 Choice of aspect: General principles -- 7.4 Typical patterns of aspectual use in connection with adverbials and subordinate clauses -- 7.4.1 Adverbials -- 7.4.1.1 Adverbials that normally trigger the imparfait -- Present-time adverbials -- Adverbials that describe on-going activity -- Iterative adverbials, when they describe an indefinite number of repetitions. , 7.4.1.2 Adverbials that normally trigger the passé simple -- Limitative adverbials -- Iterative adverbials, when they describe a definite number of repetitions -- 7.4.1.3 Other types of temporal adverbials -- 7.4.1.4 Clauses containing two or more different types of adverbial -- 7.4.2 Subordinate clauses -- 7.4.2.1 Nominal clauses -- 7.4.2.2 Adjectival clauses -- Predicative relative clauses -- Restrictive relative clauses -- Non-restrictive relative clauses -- 7.4.2.3 Adverbial clauses -- Temporal clauses introduced by quand or lorsque -- Temporal clauses introduced by comme, alors que, pendant que, or tandis que -- Temporal clauses introduced by dès que, aussitôt que, or tant que -- Clauses of cause, comparison, or concession -- Result clauses -- Other types of adverbial clause -- 8: Finite verb forms: Auxiliaries -- 8.1 The notion of auxiliary -- 8.2 Être and avoir as tense/aspect auxiliaries -- 8.2.1 Transitive verbs used non-reflexively -- 8.2.2 Pronominal verbs and reflexive constructions -- 8.2.3 Intransitive verbs: The general rule -- 8.2.4 Intransitive verbs: The exceptions -- 9: Non-finite verb forms: The infinitive -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 Infinitival clauses -- 9.2.1 Infinitival clauses with predominantly verbal function -- 9.2.1.1 Absolute constructions -- 9.2.1.2 Clause fragments -- 9.2.2 Infinitival clauses with predominantly nominal function -- 9.2.2.1 Infinitive markers vs prepositions -- 9.2.2.2 The use or non-use of infinitive markers -- Infinitival clauses as (dislocated) subjects -- Infinitival clauses as postponed subjects -- Infinitival clauses as subject attributes -- Infinitival clauses as direct objects -- Infinitival clauses as complements of prepositions -- Infinitival clauses as purpose adverbials following a motion verb -- Infinitival clauses as object attributes or free indirect attributes. , 10: Non-finite verb forms: The past participle -- 10.1 The past participle -- 10.2 Verbal use of the past participle -- 10.2.1 Past participle agreement -- 10.2.1.1 The subject rule -- 10.2.1.2 The direct object rule -- Pronominal verbs and reflexive constructions -- Transitive constructions -- Constructions with (se) faire and se voir -- 10.3 Past participle clauses -- 10.3.1 The structure of past participle clauses -- 10.3.2 The functions of past participle clauses -- 10.3.2.1 Verbal use -- 10.3.2.2 Adjectival use -- 10.4 Nominal use of the past participle -- 11: Non-finite verb forms: The present participle and the gérondif -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 Deverbal adjectives ending in -ant -- 11.3 The present participle -- 11.3.1 Present participles with predominantly verbal function -- 11.3.2 Present participles with predominantly adjectival function -- 11.4 Deverbal nouns ending in -ant -- 11.5 The gérondif -- Part III: The Grammar of French Nominals -- 12: Definite and indefinite determiners -- 12.1 Introduction -- 12.2 Definiteness and indefiniteness -- 12.3 Indefinite articles -- 12.3.1 The partitive article -- 12.3.1.1 The full partitive article -- 12.3.1.2 The reduced partitive article -- Direct objects following a negated predicator -- Postponed subjects following a negated predicator -- The exception: subject attributes following a negated predicator -- The noun phrase contains a premodifying plural adjective -- 12.3.2 The zero article -- 12.3.2.1 The noun phrase functions as a subject attribute -- 12.3.2.2 The noun phrase functions as an object attribute, a free indirect attribute, or an apposition -- 12.3.2.3 The noun phrase is the complement of a preposition -- 12.3.2.4 Coordinated noun phrases -- 12.4 The definite article -- 12.4.1 Generic use of the definite article -- 13: Adjectives within the noun phrase. , 13.1 The forms of French adjectives.

Additional Edition: ISBN 0-19-872374-1

Additional Edition: ISBN 0-19-872373-3

Language: English

Keywords: Electronic books.

URL: Click to View

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Format: 229 S.

Series Statement: Amsterdam studies in generative grammar 4

Note: Amsterdam, Univ., Diss., 1991

Language: Dutch

Keywords: Niederländisch ; Hilfsverb ; Infinitkonstruktion ; Italienisch ; Generative Transformationsgrammatik ; Infinitkonstruktion ; Hilfsverb ; Niederländisch ; Hochschulschrift

URL: http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=002809587&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA

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Format: 1 online resource (247 p.)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-48495-8 , 9786612484957 , 90-272-8865-8

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 149

Content: This monograph presents a theory of ellipsis licensing in terms of Agree and applies it to several elliptical phenomena in both English and Dutch. The author makes two main claims: The head selecting the ellipsis site is checked against the head licensing ellipsis in order for ellipsis to occur, and ellipsis - i.e., sending part of the structure to PF for non-pronunciation - occurs as soon as this checking relation is established. At that point, the ellipsis site becomes inaccessible for further syntactic operations. Consequently, this theory explains the limited extraction data displayed by 'Dutch modals complement ellipsis' as well as British English do: These ellipses allow subject extraction out of the ellipsis site, but not object extraction. The analysis also extends to phenomena that do not display such a restricted extraction, such as sluicing, VP ellipsis, and pseudogapping. Hence, this work is a step towards a unified analysis of ellipsis.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , The Syntactic Licensing of Ellipsis -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations and formats used in examples and glosses -- What is ellipsis? -- 1.1 A mismatch between sound and meaning -- 1.2 Different views on ellipsis -- 1.2.1 Nonstructural approaches -- 1.2.2 Structural approaches -- 1.2.2.1 Null proforms/LF copy -- 1.2.2.2 PF-deletion -- 1.2.3 Summary -- 1.3 Restrictions on ellipsis -- 1.3.1 Recoverability -- 1.3.2 Licensing -- 1.4 Overview of this work -- Dutch modal complement ellipsis -- 2.1 Modal complements in Dutch -- 2.1.1 Epistemic, deontic, and dynamic modals -- 2.1.2 Are modals raising or control? -- 2.1.2.1 Diagnostic tests for the raising/control distinction -- 2.1.2.2 Both deontic and epistemic modals are raising verbs -- 2.1.3 The categorial status of Dutch modals and their complement -- 2.1.3.1 The modal complement -- 2.1.3.1.1 The complement of a modal contains a vP layer. Given that epistemic and deontic modals are raising verbs, the base-generation position of the subject must be below the modal. In other words, the complement of an epistemic or deontic modal must be at least a vP, where the external argument is introduced in [Spec,vP] and little v assigns structural Case to the object (Chomsky 1995). Dynamic willen 'want' and durven 'dare', which are control verbs, also select at least a vP, because there -- 2.1.3.1.2 The complement of a modal contains tense. There is a whole body of literature on the presence or absence of tense in infinitival complements (see Karttunen 1971 -- Stowell 1981, 1982 -- Pesetsky 1992 -- Guasti 1993 -- Rizzi 1993 -- Haegeman 1995 -- Martin 1996 -- Bošković 1995, 1996 -- Boivin 1998. , Felser 1998 and Wurmbrand 2003). In my discussion of modal complements I add to this debate, claiming that Dutch modal complements contain tense and hence are TPs. -- 2.1.3.1.3 The complement of a modal is not a CP. In the previous section we have established that modals select an infinitival complement that contains at least a tense projection. The next question to be asked is whether the modal complement is as big as CP, a full clause. Several arguments indicate that the answer to this question is negative (see also Barbiers 2005). A first argument for this claim is that there is never an overt complementizer in infinitival complements of modals (cf. (36)a, -- 2.1.3.2 The categorial status of Dutch modal verbs -- 2.1.3.2.1 Dutch modals are not inflectional heads. Although much has been said about the category of English modals (Chomsky 1957 -- Jackendoff 1972, 1977 -- Fiengo 1974 -- Akmajian, Steele & -- Wasow 1979 -- Palmer 1983, 1986, 1990, 2001 -- Bobaljik 1995 -- Bobaljik and Thráinsson 1998), Dutch modals have received relatively little discussion. I compare Dutch modals to English ones, showing that they cannot be considered of the same categorial status. -- 2.1.3.2.2 Dutch modals are not auxiliaries. I have argued that Dutch modals, as opposed to English modals, are not inflectional heads. The next option to consider is whether they are auxiliaries (see also Abraham 2002 for German modals). -- 2.1.3.2.3 Dutch modals are Mod/V heads. In the literature modal verbs in Dutch and German have been considered the head of their own functional projection ModP, and not lexical V heads (see Cinque 1999, Wurmbrand 2003, Barbiers 2005, among others). Overall, however, Dutch modals do not behave significantly different from other verbs that can select a (tensed) infinitival complement, such as besluiten 'decide' or leren 'learn'. -- 2.1.4 Summary. , 2.2 Dutch modal complement ellipsis: Properties -- 2.2.1 MCE is only allowed with root modals -- 2.2.2 MCE affects a complete constituent -- 2.2.3 Extraction -- 2.2.3.1 Subject extraction -- 2.2.3.2 Object extraction -- 2.2.3.2.1 Object scrambling. Dutch displays a form of word reordering called object scrambling. Pronominal objects have to move out of the verb phrase across negation. The same holds for definite full DP objects, although scrambling is preferred rather than obligatory in this case. This is illustrated in the following examples in (82) where the direct objects je 'you', het 'it' and dat boek 'that boek' and the indirect object hem 'him' cannot follow sentential negation and certain adverbs. -- 2.2.3.2.2 Wh-object extraction. Next, I consider the less clear-cut cases. I first discuss wh-extraction out of the MCE ellipsis site and then turn to topicalization. Recall that the sentence in (81), repeated here as (87), is ungrammatical as a result of the wh-object extraction. -- 2.2.3.2.3 Topicalization. A third kind of object extraction out of the ellipsis site, next to scrambling and wh-movement, is topicalization. Dagnac (2007) argues that in French MCE topicalization is possible. In the examples in (94)a,b the direct object is contrasted with the object in the antecedent and has undergone movement to the left periphery of the clause -- and in (94)c it is the PP indirect object that is topicalized. -- 2.2.3.3 Adjunct extraction -- 2.2.3.4 Summary -- 2.2.4 There-sentences and MCE -- 2.2.5 MCE blocks the IPP effect -- 2.2.6 Restrictions on the position of the antecedent -- 2.2.6.1 Embedded antecedent, embedded ellipsis site -- 2.2.6.2 MCE applies across utterance boundaries -- 2.2.6.3 MCE allows backward anaphora -- 2.2.7 Form mismatches between antecedent and ellipsis site -- 2.2.8 Summary -- Ellipsis licensing -- 3.1 Licensing via Agree. , 3.1.1 The ellipsis licensing head -- 3.1.2 Merchant (2001) -- 3.1.3 Material between licensor and ellipsis site -- 3.1.4 Ellipsis licensing via Agree -- 3.1.5 Summary -- 3.2 Derivational ellipsis -- 3.2.1 The timing of ellipsis -- 3.2.2 Returning to the extraction puzzle -- 3.2.3 Derivational ellipsis -- 3.2.3.1 Limited extraction -- 3.2.3.2 Limited LF movement -- 3.2.3.3 Summary -- 3.2.4 Ellipsis versus phases -- 3.2.4.1 Ellipsis and phases (Gengel 2007a) -- 3.2.4.2 Differences between ellipsis and phases -- 3.2.5 Interaction between ellipsis and phases: Predictions -- 3.2.5.1 An intervening phase head -- 3.2.5.2 No intervening phase head -- 3.3 The analysis of MCE -- 3.4 Explaining the properties of MCE -- 3.4.1 Extraction -- 3.4.1.1 Subject extraction with transitive verbs -- 3.4.1.2 Extraction of a derived subject -- 3.4.1.3 Extraction of a wh-object -- 3.4.1.4 Object scrambling -- 3.4.1.5 Adjuncts -- 3.4.1.6 Antecedent-Contained Deletion -- 3.4.1.7 Summary -- 3.4.2 There-expletives and MCE -- 3.4.3 MCE blocks the IPP effect -- 3.5 The locality restriction on Agree -- 3.6 Summary -- Extending the analysis to other ellipses -- 4.1 Sluicing -- 4.1.1 The licensing head and ellipsis site for sluicing -- 4.1.2 Applying the analysis to sluicing -- 4.1.2.1 An [E]-feature for sluicing -- 4.1.2.2 Predictions for extraction -- 4.1.3 Summary -- 4.2 English VP ellipsis -- 4.2.1 The licensing head of English VP ellipsis -- 4.2.2 The VP ellipsis site -- 4.2.3 Applying the analysis to VPE -- 4.2.4 Accounting for the properties of VPE -- 4.2.4.1 Extraction -- 4.2.4.2 VPE and there-expletives -- 4.2.5 Summary -- 4.3 Pseudogapping -- 4.3.1 The licensor and the ellipsis site of pseudogapping -- 4.3.1.1 The licensing head -- 4.3.1.2 The pseudogapping ellipsis site -- 4.3.2 The movement operation in pseudogapping -- 4.3.2.1 Heavy NP Shift -- 4.3.2.2 Object Shift. , 4.3.2.3 Focus movement (Gengel 2007b) -- 4.3.3 Applying the analysis to pseudogapping -- 4.3.3.1 An [E]-feature for pseudogapping -- 4.3.3.2 Predictions for extraction -- 4.3.4 Summary -- 4.4 British English do -- 4.4.1 The properties of British English do -- 4.4.2 The analysis of British English do -- 4.4.2.1 The licensor of British English do -- 4.4.2.2 The ellipsis site of BE do -- 4.4.2.3 An [E]-feature for British English do -- 4.4.3 Accounting for the extraction data -- 4.4.4 Baltin (2007) -- 4.4.5 Summary -- 4.5 Summary -- Conclusion and issues for further research -- References -- Index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-5532-6

Language: English

UID:

Format: 1 online resource (247 p.)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-48495-8 , 9786612484957 , 90-272-8865-8

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 149

Content: This monograph presents a theory of ellipsis licensing in terms of Agree and applies it to several elliptical phenomena in both English and Dutch. The author makes two main claims: The head selecting the ellipsis site is checked against the head licensing ellipsis in order for ellipsis to occur, and ellipsis - i.e., sending part of the structure to PF for non-pronunciation - occurs as soon as this checking relation is established. At that point, the ellipsis site becomes inaccessible for further syntactic operations. Consequently, this theory explains the limited extraction data displayed by 'Dutch modals complement ellipsis' as well as British English do: These ellipses allow subject extraction out of the ellipsis site, but not object extraction. The analysis also extends to phenomena that do not display such a restricted extraction, such as sluicing, VP ellipsis, and pseudogapping. Hence, this work is a step towards a unified analysis of ellipsis.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , The Syntactic Licensing of Ellipsis -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations and formats used in examples and glosses -- What is ellipsis? -- 1.1 A mismatch between sound and meaning -- 1.2 Different views on ellipsis -- 1.2.1 Nonstructural approaches -- 1.2.2 Structural approaches -- 1.2.2.1 Null proforms/LF copy -- 1.2.2.2 PF-deletion -- 1.2.3 Summary -- 1.3 Restrictions on ellipsis -- 1.3.1 Recoverability -- 1.3.2 Licensing -- 1.4 Overview of this work -- Dutch modal complement ellipsis -- 2.1 Modal complements in Dutch -- 2.1.1 Epistemic, deontic, and dynamic modals -- 2.1.2 Are modals raising or control? -- 2.1.2.1 Diagnostic tests for the raising/control distinction -- 2.1.2.2 Both deontic and epistemic modals are raising verbs -- 2.1.3 The categorial status of Dutch modals and their complement -- 2.1.3.1 The modal complement -- 2.1.3.1.1 The complement of a modal contains a vP layer. Given that epistemic and deontic modals are raising verbs, the base-generation position of the subject must be below the modal. In other words, the complement of an epistemic or deontic modal must be at least a vP, where the external argument is introduced in [Spec,vP] and little v assigns structural Case to the object (Chomsky 1995). Dynamic willen 'want' and durven 'dare', which are control verbs, also select at least a vP, because there -- 2.1.3.1.2 The complement of a modal contains tense. There is a whole body of literature on the presence or absence of tense in infinitival complements (see Karttunen 1971 -- Stowell 1981, 1982 -- Pesetsky 1992 -- Guasti 1993 -- Rizzi 1993 -- Haegeman 1995 -- Martin 1996 -- Bošković 1995, 1996 -- Boivin 1998. , Felser 1998 and Wurmbrand 2003). In my discussion of modal complements I add to this debate, claiming that Dutch modal complements contain tense and hence are TPs. -- 2.1.3.1.3 The complement of a modal is not a CP. In the previous section we have established that modals select an infinitival complement that contains at least a tense projection. The next question to be asked is whether the modal complement is as big as CP, a full clause. Several arguments indicate that the answer to this question is negative (see also Barbiers 2005). A first argument for this claim is that there is never an overt complementizer in infinitival complements of modals (cf. (36)a, -- 2.1.3.2 The categorial status of Dutch modal verbs -- 2.1.3.2.1 Dutch modals are not inflectional heads. Although much has been said about the category of English modals (Chomsky 1957 -- Jackendoff 1972, 1977 -- Fiengo 1974 -- Akmajian, Steele & -- Wasow 1979 -- Palmer 1983, 1986, 1990, 2001 -- Bobaljik 1995 -- Bobaljik and Thráinsson 1998), Dutch modals have received relatively little discussion. I compare Dutch modals to English ones, showing that they cannot be considered of the same categorial status. -- 2.1.3.2.2 Dutch modals are not auxiliaries. I have argued that Dutch modals, as opposed to English modals, are not inflectional heads. The next option to consider is whether they are auxiliaries (see also Abraham 2002 for German modals). -- 2.1.3.2.3 Dutch modals are Mod/V heads. In the literature modal verbs in Dutch and German have been considered the head of their own functional projection ModP, and not lexical V heads (see Cinque 1999, Wurmbrand 2003, Barbiers 2005, among others). Overall, however, Dutch modals do not behave significantly different from other verbs that can select a (tensed) infinitival complement, such as besluiten 'decide' or leren 'learn'. -- 2.1.4 Summary. , 2.2 Dutch modal complement ellipsis: Properties -- 2.2.1 MCE is only allowed with root modals -- 2.2.2 MCE affects a complete constituent -- 2.2.3 Extraction -- 2.2.3.1 Subject extraction -- 2.2.3.2 Object extraction -- 2.2.3.2.1 Object scrambling. Dutch displays a form of word reordering called object scrambling. Pronominal objects have to move out of the verb phrase across negation. The same holds for definite full DP objects, although scrambling is preferred rather than obligatory in this case. This is illustrated in the following examples in (82) where the direct objects je 'you', het 'it' and dat boek 'that boek' and the indirect object hem 'him' cannot follow sentential negation and certain adverbs. -- 2.2.3.2.2 Wh-object extraction. Next, I consider the less clear-cut cases. I first discuss wh-extraction out of the MCE ellipsis site and then turn to topicalization. Recall that the sentence in (81), repeated here as (87), is ungrammatical as a result of the wh-object extraction. -- 2.2.3.2.3 Topicalization. A third kind of object extraction out of the ellipsis site, next to scrambling and wh-movement, is topicalization. Dagnac (2007) argues that in French MCE topicalization is possible. In the examples in (94)a,b the direct object is contrasted with the object in the antecedent and has undergone movement to the left periphery of the clause -- and in (94)c it is the PP indirect object that is topicalized. -- 2.2.3.3 Adjunct extraction -- 2.2.3.4 Summary -- 2.2.4 There-sentences and MCE -- 2.2.5 MCE blocks the IPP effect -- 2.2.6 Restrictions on the position of the antecedent -- 2.2.6.1 Embedded antecedent, embedded ellipsis site -- 2.2.6.2 MCE applies across utterance boundaries -- 2.2.6.3 MCE allows backward anaphora -- 2.2.7 Form mismatches between antecedent and ellipsis site -- 2.2.8 Summary -- Ellipsis licensing -- 3.1 Licensing via Agree. , 3.1.1 The ellipsis licensing head -- 3.1.2 Merchant (2001) -- 3.1.3 Material between licensor and ellipsis site -- 3.1.4 Ellipsis licensing via Agree -- 3.1.5 Summary -- 3.2 Derivational ellipsis -- 3.2.1 The timing of ellipsis -- 3.2.2 Returning to the extraction puzzle -- 3.2.3 Derivational ellipsis -- 3.2.3.1 Limited extraction -- 3.2.3.2 Limited LF movement -- 3.2.3.3 Summary -- 3.2.4 Ellipsis versus phases -- 3.2.4.1 Ellipsis and phases (Gengel 2007a) -- 3.2.4.2 Differences between ellipsis and phases -- 3.2.5 Interaction between ellipsis and phases: Predictions -- 3.2.5.1 An intervening phase head -- 3.2.5.2 No intervening phase head -- 3.3 The analysis of MCE -- 3.4 Explaining the properties of MCE -- 3.4.1 Extraction -- 3.4.1.1 Subject extraction with transitive verbs -- 3.4.1.2 Extraction of a derived subject -- 3.4.1.3 Extraction of a wh-object -- 3.4.1.4 Object scrambling -- 3.4.1.5 Adjuncts -- 3.4.1.6 Antecedent-Contained Deletion -- 3.4.1.7 Summary -- 3.4.2 There-expletives and MCE -- 3.4.3 MCE blocks the IPP effect -- 3.5 The locality restriction on Agree -- 3.6 Summary -- Extending the analysis to other ellipses -- 4.1 Sluicing -- 4.1.1 The licensing head and ellipsis site for sluicing -- 4.1.2 Applying the analysis to sluicing -- 4.1.2.1 An [E]-feature for sluicing -- 4.1.2.2 Predictions for extraction -- 4.1.3 Summary -- 4.2 English VP ellipsis -- 4.2.1 The licensing head of English VP ellipsis -- 4.2.2 The VP ellipsis site -- 4.2.3 Applying the analysis to VPE -- 4.2.4 Accounting for the properties of VPE -- 4.2.4.1 Extraction -- 4.2.4.2 VPE and there-expletives -- 4.2.5 Summary -- 4.3 Pseudogapping -- 4.3.1 The licensor and the ellipsis site of pseudogapping -- 4.3.1.1 The licensing head -- 4.3.1.2 The pseudogapping ellipsis site -- 4.3.2 The movement operation in pseudogapping -- 4.3.2.1 Heavy NP Shift -- 4.3.2.2 Object Shift. , 4.3.2.3 Focus movement (Gengel 2007b) -- 4.3.3 Applying the analysis to pseudogapping -- 4.3.3.1 An [E]-feature for pseudogapping -- 4.3.3.2 Predictions for extraction -- 4.3.4 Summary -- 4.4 British English do -- 4.4.1 The properties of British English do -- 4.4.2 The analysis of British English do -- 4.4.2.1 The licensor of British English do -- 4.4.2.2 The ellipsis site of BE do -- 4.4.2.3 An [E]-feature for British English do -- 4.4.3 Accounting for the extraction data -- 4.4.4 Baltin (2007) -- 4.4.5 Summary -- 4.5 Summary -- Conclusion and issues for further research -- References -- Index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-5532-6

Language: English

UID:

Format: 1 online resource (vi, 514 pages)

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-16051-6 , 9786612160516 , 90-272-9559-X

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell, v. 69

Content: Many languages have constructions in which verbs cluster. But few languages have verb clusters as rich and complex as Continental West Germanic and Hungarian. Furthermore the precise ordering properties and the variation in the cluster patterns are remarkably similar in Hungarian and Germanic. This similarity is, of course, unexpected since Hungarian is not an Indo-European language like the Germanic language group. Instead it appears that the clustering, inversion and roll-up patterns found may constitute an areal feature. This book presents the relevant language data in considerable detail, taking into account also the variation observed, for example, among dialects. But it also discusses the various analytical approaches that can be brought to bear on this set of phenomena. In particular, there are various hypotheses as to what is the underlying driving force behind cluster formation: stress patterns, aspectual features, morpho- syntactic constraints? And the analytical approaches are closely linked to a number of questions that are at the core of current syntactic theorizing: does head movement exist or should all apparent verb displacement be reduced to remnant movement, are morphology and syntax really just different sides of the same coin?

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Verb Clusters -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC page -- Table of contents -- Verb clusters -- 1. Opening remarks -- 2. Some properties of verb clusters: The view from Germanic -- 2.1. Is there a cluster? -- 2.2. Adjacency -- 2.3. Partial movement and nominalization -- 2.4. Clause union and transparency phenomena -- 2.5. Morphological properties -- 2.6. Trigger verbs -- 2.7. Ordering within a verb cluster -- 2.8. Approaches to the analysis of verb clusters in Germanic -- 3. The view from Hungarian -- 3.1. Is there a cluster? Three types of infinitival constructions -- 3.2. The verbs that cluster -- 3.3. Analyzing verb clusters -- 4. Outlook -- Acknowledgements -- References -- West Germanic verb clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. West Germanic verb clusters -- 2.1. The distribution of two-verb clusters -- 2.2. The distribution of three-verb clusters -- 3. Questionnaire-based study of German verb clusters3 -- 3.1. Outline of the questionnaire -- 3.2. Goal and scope of the questionnaire -- 3.3. Consultants -- 3.4. Summary of results -- 4. Empirical generalizations -- 4.1. What are verb cluster languages? -- 4.2. Generalizations of the inversion patterns -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- A. Data and inversion patterns -- B. Questionnaire -- C. Other statistical results -- Hungarian verbal clusters -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Roll-up -- 3. Particle climbing -- 4. Látszik `seem' - a stress-avoiding verb that does not trigger particle climbing -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Appendix -- I SURVEY 1 -- 3 Question 3 -- II SURVEY 2 -- III THE QUESTIONNAIRES -- Clustering theories* -- 1. Verb clusters -- 2. Headedness and constituency -- 2.1. Extended headedness -- 2.2. Inheritance versus reanalysis -- 2.3. Why OV? -- 2.4. Limits of extended headedness -- 3. Movement and antisymmetry -- 4. The Hungarian connection. , 4.1. Preverbs and particles -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- ``Roll-up'' structures and morphological words* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adverbials on the right -- 3. V-raising in Hungarian -- Notes -- References -- The structure of clusters -- 1. Modeling inflection -- 1.1. The language CAT -- 1.2. Inflectional systems as an instantiation of CAT -- 1.3. Some inflectional systems -- 1.4. Verb (Projection) Raising as an instance of CAT -- 2. The Hungarian verbal system -- 2.1. The verbal system without VMs -- 2.2. The verbal system with VMs -- 2.3. Is roll-up really lexical? -- Notes -- References -- A stress-based approach to climbing* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Stress in Hungarian -- 3. Stress-driven focus movement -- 4. Particle climbing in a stress-based approach -- 5. Climbing: Syntactic XP-movement -- 6. Cross-linguistic comparison: The Basque particle ba -- 7. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Particles and phonologically defective predicates* -- 1. Phrasal and head particles in Dutch -- 2. Light and heavy verbal modifiers in Hungarian -- 3. Pred verbs with a designated argument in focus? -- 4. Pred verbs with a designated argument in PredP? -- 4.1. Identifying Pred verbs -- 4.2. Summary -- 5. Stress avoiding verbs and verbal modifiers -- 5.1. Verbal modifiers with Pred verbs -- 5.2. Pred verbs are auxiliary-like -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Climbing for aspect -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Connection between verb clusters and aspect in Hungarian -- 1.2. A theory of aspect in Hungarian based on ``climbing aspectualizers'' -- 2. Aspectual Projection -- 2.1. AspP and/or Referentiality Constraint? -- 2.2. What will make a good aspectualizer? -- 2.3. The aspectualizer of akar `want' and utál `hate' -- 3. The structure of verb clusters -- 3.1. ``Climbing'' preverb in neutral sentences. , 3.2. ``Full roll-up'' in focused sentences -- 3.3. FInfP aspectualizers -- 4. Competing computations -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- The Hungarian verbal complex -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 2.1. The linguistic data -- 2.2. The dual behavior of VMs -- I Evidence for a head analysis -- II Evidence for a phrase analysis -- 3. Basic assumptions -- 4. Inverted order verbal complexes -- 4.1. The Syntactic Light Verb Constraint -- 4.2. The Complex Head Constraint -- 5. Verbal complexes with VM climbing -- 5.1. The VM and the auxiliary: Long VM movement -- 5.2. The VM and the lexical verb: Short VM movement -- 6. Verb typology based on the aspectual feature -- 6.1. Auxiliaries are aspectually defective -- 6.2. Stative verbs -- 7. Further issues -- 7.1. The problems of the dual analysis revisited -- 7.2. Auxiliaries and light verbs -- 8. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Parallel strategies of verbal complex formation in Hungarian and West-Germanic? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries: The minimal verbal complex in Hungarian -- 3. The straight order extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 4. The Dutch/West Flemish/Swiss German verbal complex -- 5. The inverse order variant of the extended verbal complex in Hungarian -- 6. The German verbal complex -- 7. Deriving the word order of West Germanic verbal complexes -- 8. Can the West-Germanic and the Hungarian verbal complexes be derived in parallel ways? -- Notes -- References -- Do preverbs climb?* -- 1. The problem -- 2. Some parallels between Hungarian and Dutch verb raising -- 2.1. Only in restructuring contexts -- 2.2. No PVC across another PV -- 2.3. PVC from an intermediate verb -- 2.4. Adjacency of the climbed PV and the highest Aux -- 2.5. No coordination below a climbed PV -- 2.6. A difference with Dutch: PVC across an intervening complementizer. , 3. Interaction of VR and V-to-F movement -- 4. Scrambling into the verbal cluster, inversion, and reanalysis -- 5. On the internal order of the Hungarian verb cluster -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Verbal complexes and morphosyntactic merger* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Inflectional affixation in Hungarian -- 2.1. Scope effects -- 2.2. On-line morphology: One word form, two syntactic structures -- 3. The failure of phrasal movement analyses -- 4. Extending M-merger to ``roll-up'' V-clusters in Hungarian -- 5. Adverbs and roll-up clusters -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Infinitival complements of modals in Hungarian and in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 2.1. Modals and inflected infinitives -- 2.2. Impersonal/personal passive constructions -- 2.3. Modals compared with raising and control predicates -- 2.4. Weather verbs under modals -- 3. Raising versus control: vP and CP complements -- 3.1. Problems with proexpl -- 3.2. A split between finite and infinitival clauses -- 4. Modals and restructuring -- 5. Inflected infinitives and modals -- 6. Summary -- Notes -- References -- Agreement and `clause union'* -- 1. The theoretical claims to be defended -- 2. Notes on Hungarian agreement -- 3. Four `clause union' constructions -- 4. Class IV: hagy permissive-causatives -- 4.1. Preverb placement -- 4.2. Definiteness agreement -- 4.3. Person agreement -- 4.4. `Passive infinitives' and the v/AgrO debate -- 4.5. Summary -- 5. On Hungarian object clitics -- 5.1. Person split and the representation of first and second person pronoun phrases -- 5.2. Definiteness, Case and first/second person objects -- 5.3. Order -- 6. Class III: -tat/-tet causatives -- 7. Class II: come/go constructions -- 8. Class I: Auxiliary constructions -- 9. `Clause union' -- 10. Long A'-movement, agreement and Case -- 10.1. Extraction from the embedded clause. , 10.2. The accusative-marked subject is accusative from the start -- 10.3. That-trace avoidance, the Italian way -- 10.4. Clitic and feature movement from SpecCP -- 10.5. Attraction and economy -- 10.6. The Inverse Case Filter -- 10.7. Some consequences -- 11. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- Names index -- Subject index -- List of contributors -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 1-58811-507-0

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-2793-4

Language: English

UID:

Format: 1 online resource (vi, 314 pages) : , illustrations

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-16122-9 , 9786612161223 , 90-272-9649-9

Series Statement: Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, v. 242

Content: This text originated in the Colloquium on Verb Construction in German and Dutch, held at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig in February 2001. The book represents a number of different schools on the topic.

Note: Includes some of the papers presented at the Colloquium on Verb Constructions in German and Dutch held Feb. 2-3, 2001, at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig. , VERB CONSTRUCTIONS IN GERMAN AND DUTCH -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC page -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Verb clusters and the scope of adjuncts in Dutch -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Dutch cross-serial dependencies in HPSG -- 3. LRS Semantics -- 4. Adjuncts as complements -- 4.1. Syntax -- 4.2. Semantics -- 5. The scope of adjuncts with respect to the matrix verb -- 6. Scrambling of adjuncts and arguments -- 7. A constraint on word order and scope -- 7.1. Multiple adjuncts -- 7.2. Scope of adjuncts and arguments -- 7.3. A semantic constraint on dependency structure -- 8. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- Notes -- Chapter 2. Verbal clusters and cluster creepers -- 1. The issue and the gambits -- 1.1. Core examples -- 1.2. Crossing relations -- 1.3. Gambit (9i): Direct compounding -- 1.4. Gambit (9ii): Full argument exodus -- 1.5. Gambit (iii): Full exodus of heads -- 1.6. Conclusion -- 2. Stress assignment -- 2.1. Grammatical distinctions for metrical trees -- 2.2. X0 heads and XP phrases -- 3. The mechanics of head raising -- 3.1. An option between V0 heads -- 3.2. Predicate licensing and the Extended Projection Principle -- 4. Extensions -- 4.1. The past participle as a cluster creeper -- 4.2. The VP raising -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 3. V-clustering and clause union -- 1. Overview: Descriptive generalizations and their theoretical implications -- 2. A descriptive survey of V-clustering and clause union in German -- 2.1. The structure of the clusters -- 2.2. Comparison of German and Dutch VCs, especially with respect to IPP -- 3. Towards an empirically adequate modeling of the clustering phenomena -- 3.1. Deriving the Dutch cluster - left-adjunction and/or cliticization to the right -- 3.2. The German cluster structure and IPP inversion -- 3.3. The grammatical causality of clustering. , 4. Grammar-theoretical afterthoughts -- Notes -- Chapter 4. West-Germanic verb clusters in LFG -- 1. Introduction -- 2. West Germanic Infinitival Complements as described in ZK: Dutch -- 3. Variation in the order of verbal elements in Dutch -- 3.1. Properties of verbs taking non-tensed verbal complements -- Verbal complements: Morphological distinctions -- Verbal complements: Functional distinctions -- Verbal complements: C-structure distinctions -- 3.2. Restrictions within the verbal cluster -- Morphological restriction: Infinitivus pro participio -- Ordering constraints in the verb cluster -- Summary: An LFG analysis of Dutch verb clusters -- 4. Prolegomena to a treatment of German verb clusters -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 5. Subjects in unexpected places and the notion of "predicate'' -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Valence in the verb cluster -- 3. Remarks on linear order -- 4. Fronted (partial) VPs -- 5. Subjects in fronted phrases -- 5.1. Semantic restrictions on fronted verbal projections -- 5.2. The locality of phrase-internal subjects -- 5.3. Raising spirits -- 6. Argument sharing and periphrastic predicates -- 6.1. Valence vs. argument structure -- 6.2. Predicates -- 6.3. Valence increasing environments -- 6.4. An exceptional construction -- 7. Summary and final remarks -- Notes -- Chapter 6. Dutch and German verb constructions in Performance Grammar -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Essentials of Performance Grammar -- 1.1. Hierarchical structures in Performance Grammar -- 1.2. Linear structure in PG -- 2. Dutch verb constructions -- 3. German verb constructions -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgement -- Notes -- Chapter 7. Coherent constructions in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Tree Adjoining Grammar -- 3. Coherence and clause union: The incorporation approach -- 3.1. Coherent constructions -- 3.2. Clause union: An incorporation analysis. , 3.3. Tree Adjoining Grammar and lexicalism -- 4. Arguments against clause union -- 4.1. Is clause union necessary? -- 4.2. Is clause union sufficient? -- 5. Coherence and tree rewriting: The syntactic approach -- 5.1. A formalism for (relatively) free word order -- 5.2. DSG as a metalanguage for syntax -- 5.3. Deriving coherent and incoherent constructions -- 5.4. Accounting for the data -- 6. Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 8. Verb clusters and branching directionality in German and Dutch -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The Semantic Syntax model -- 1.1. General architecture -- 1.2. Branching directionality -- 1.3. The Auxiliary System -- 1.4. Complementation types -- 2. The rule system and some examples -- 3. Matrix Greed -- 4. Dutch V-clusters -- 4.1. Optional and obligatory PR -- 4.2. The Third Construction -- 4.3. Directionality -- 4.4. Creeping -- 4.5. Non-verbal (pseudo)complements -- 5. German V-clusters -- 6. The data problem (with special reference to German) -- 7. Discussion -- Notes -- References -- Index -- The Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (CILT) series. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 1-58811-401-5

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-4754-4

Language: English

UID:

Format: xxiii, 395 p.

Edition: 1st ed.

ISBN: 1-282-72159-3 , 9786612721595 , 90-272-8790-2

Series Statement: Linguistik aktuell/linguistics today, 164

Content: "Structure is at the rock-bottom of all explanatory sciences" (Jan Koster). Forty years ago, the hypothesis that underlying the bewildering variety of syntactic phenomena are general and unified structural patterns of unexpected beauty and simplicity gave rise to major advancements in the study of Dutch and Germanic syntax, with important implications for the theory of grammar as a whole. Jan Koster was one of the central figures in this development, and he has continued to explore the structure preserving hypothesis throughout his illustrious career. This collection of articles by over forty syntacticians celebrates the advancements made in the study of syntax over the past forty years, reflecting on the structural principles underlying syntactic phenomena and emulating the approach to syntactic analysis embodied in Jan Koster's teaching and research.

Note: Bibliographic Level Mode of Issuance: Monograph , Structure Preserved -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- List of works (1971-2010 by Jan Koster -- a. author -- b. to appear -- c. editor -- d. unpublished -- interviews -- Unaccusative verbs in Chinese -- 1. The canonical concepts of ergativity -- 2. The basics of the Mandarin Chinese verb system -- 3. Aspect marking in Chinese -- 4. Unaccusativity tests -- 5. Conclusion: Does Chinese derive the unaccusative in the syntax or in the lexicon? -- References -- Gapping is always forward -- References -- Focus particle doubling -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Focus particle doubling -- 3. Focus particle doubling and the distributional paradox -- 4. The trigger of focus particle movement -- 5. Features of the functional head -- References -- Wh-drop and recoverability -- 1. Topic pronoun drop -- 2. Wh-drop -- 3. The formal license of wh-drop -- 4. An impression from Dutch -- 5. Comparison with L1-acquisition -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Two futures in infinitives -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Future = modal, or tense and modal -- 2. Temporal interpretations in Dutch infinitives -- 2.1 Propositional infinitivals -- 2.2 Irrealis infinitivals -- 2.3 The analysis of future oriented infinitivals -- 3. Auxiliaries in infinitival clauses -- 3.1 The auxiliary zullen -- 3.2 Future auxiliary in propositional infinitivals -- 3.3 No future auxiliary in irrealis infinitivals -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- A dynamic perspective on inflection -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Deflection -- 3. Deflection as an L2-phenomenon -- 4. Deflection in Dutch -- References -- Is there "preposition stranding in COMP" in Afrikaans? No way! -- References -- Restructuring verbs and the structure of Spanish clauses -- 1. The problem -- 2. Towards a solution -- 3. Further details -- 4. One remaining issue -- References. , Cantonese as a tense second language -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Core ingredients -- 2. Cantonese -- 3. C-domain in Cantonese -- References -- On a selective "violation" of the Complex NP Constraint -- Acknowledgment -- References -- Dressed numerals and the structure of Universal Numeric Quantifiers -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A micro-comparative perspective on UNQ's -- 3. Numerals and emptiness -- 4. e as a reflex of Spec-Head agreement -- 5. Dressed numerical quantifiers -- 6. Alle as a dressed universal quantifier -- 7. Alle vier as an instance of first conjunct agreement -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Embedded inversion and successive cyclicity -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Belfast English embedded inversion -- 3. Romance embedded inversion -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Little words don't lie -- 1. Seeming initial adjuncts in English phrases -- 2. A simple solution-with surprising consequences -- 3. Realizing adjuncts with economy of representation -- 4. The N0 suffixal head on pre-nominal adjectives -- 5. Null inflectional heads in English: Not really exceptional? -- 6. Null grammatical N in current English -- References -- Repairing head-to-head movement -- 1. A Pied Piping problem -- 2. The head movement constraint -- 3. The V0-to-V0 trigger -- 4. Final restatements -- References -- On the duality of patterning -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data compression -- 3. Data transmission -- 4. The emergence of the duality of patterning and structural complexity -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Reflexive cartography -- 1. Reflexives in Old English -- 2. Change in the determiner system -- 3. Modern English reflexives -- References -- What does eye-tracking reveal about children's knowledge of linguistic structure? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Pronoun interpretation and linguistic theory -- 3. Using eye-tracking to assess children's knowledge. , 4. Children's knowledge of Principle B -- 5. When evidence does not converge -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Depictives and the word orders of English and Dutch -- References -- Feature percolation in the Dutch possessive -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The problem -- 3. A solution -- References -- On the interruption of Verb-Raising clusters by nonverbal material -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Break-up of verbal clusters -- 2.1 Pure head-initial and head-final orders: 123 and 321 -- 2.2 Mixed clusters (head-initial and head -final subclusters) -- 2.3 Independent evidence: Particles in the verbal cluster in Dutch and Frisian -- 3. Concerning generalisation (9b) and the relation between sisterhood and linear order -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Referring to yourself in self-talk -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Self-talk data -- 3. The thinking self and the mindless self -- 4. The performative hypothesis -- References -- Case-Agreement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some considerations for the initial plausibility of Case-Agreement -- 3. Construct State nominals -- 4. False annexation: A problem that is only apparent -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Syntactic predictions in second-language sentence processing -- References -- Notes on French and English demonstratives -- References -- The accusative infinitive in Latin, English and Dutch -- 1. Limits -- 2. The accusativus cum infinitivo -- 3. Ieder meent zijn uil een valk te zijn -- 4. Why an accusative? -- References -- Identifying in Dutch -- 1. Identifying sentences and t-words -- 2. Properties of Identifying Sentences -- 3. Wh-questions & -- answers, anaphors & -- Topicalisation -- limits of contrastive preposing -- 4. T-word - Verb agreement in ISs -- 5. The ban on Awh-preposing and on Topicalising ISR complements. -- References -- What you (and God) only know -- References. , Is agreement resolution part of core grammar? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Disjoined subjects -- 3. Conjoined subjects -- 4. Discussion -- References -- On Dutch allemaal and West Ulster English all -- The basic problem: Q-float in West Ulster English and Dutch -- References -- The universality of binding principles -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Binding and cross-linguistic variation: The issue -- 2.1. Reflexives and reflexive-marking -- 2.2 Chains and economy -- 3. How primitive can languages be? Demystifying 'exotic' languages. -- 4. By way of conclusion -- References -- Grappling with Graft -- 1. Preamble -- 2. Some examples of grafts -- 3. Graft is Merge -- 4. Graft, internally headed relatives, and the theta criterion -- 5. A typological conjecture -- References -- Game Theory and the control of empty categories in grammar -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Game Theory -- 2.1 Encapsulated Game Theory and linguistic structure -- 2.2 Cooperation and partial control -- 2.3 Cooperation and intentionality -- 3. Implicit objects -- 3.1 Reflexives and empty cooperative objects -- 3.2 Incorporation and evidence for an empty object -- 4. Counter-examples -- 4.1 Implicit dative empty categories -- 4.2 Game Theory application -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Copy what? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The data -- 2.1 Method -- 2.2 Results -- 3. No more copying? -- References -- Free relatives at the interface -- 1. The problem -- 2. Are free relatives really D-headed? -- 2.1 Determiner morphology on relative operators -- 2.2 Matching effects -- 2.3 Locality -- 2.4 Definiteness -- 2.5 Problems -- 3. Free relatives are free! -- 3.1 Predictions and consequences -- 3.2 Open ends -- Menace under the microscope -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic Puzzle: Control Shift -- 3. Raising and Control -- 4. The Control Shift puzzle: Logic and outline of a solution -- 5. Beyond menacer. , 6. Still further inward: Beyond Agents -- References -- Case-alignment and verb placement -- 1. Goals -- 2. Reinterpreting Burzio's Generalization -- 3. The nanosyntax of case -- 4. Ergativity -- 5. Ergative EA in Nom/Acc-languages -- 6. Raising to Acc -- 7. Ergativity and constituent order -- References -- Diminutive Ks? -- 1. Diminutive morphemes and morphological percolation -- 2. Distribution of diminutive forms and inflection -- 3. Problems -- 4. Conclusions -- Don't forget the determiners, Jan -- References -- Empty subjects and empty objects -- 1. Subject clauses -- 2. Specification/parallel construal -- 3. Specification of zero subjects (versus dislocation) -- Island Fever -- References -- Something else on variables in syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Synopsis -- 3. Focus -- 4. The relevance of focus -- 5. Strict and sloppy identity -- 6. Binding is something else -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Language index -- Name index -- Subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today. , English

Additional Edition: ISBN 90-272-5547-4

Language: English